Tuesday, July 14, 2026

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 25, 1777

This morning early Ferguson's Riflemen surprised and took one Rebel Light dragoon and also an advanced Piquet, shot the officer thro the thigh and took him with 4 privates, the rest escaped. The Scarboro 20 Gun Ship with 16 sail from Halifax arrived at New York.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 424

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 26, 1777

At 3 o'clock this morning the Army moved in 2 Columns, the right Lord Cornwallis-left Major General Vaughan—the Right Column took the Woodbridge Road and the left the Brunswick road but turned off the road to Metuchin meeting and 1200 men were sent on to take post at Bonham town way to Brunswick from Amboy and the 2 Columns encamped this night at Westfield. A continued firing most of this day's march. Lord Sterling and General Maxwell with 3000 men and 4 brass field pieces principally opposed us near Westfield, but were put to flight leaving behind 3 Brass Field pieces, 3 Pounders one French and 2 English. Supposed to have killed this day about 50 of the Rebels and took 64 prisoners in arms and about 500 head of horned cattle. Washington with the gross of his Army made off very early with the utmost Expedition and his Baggage and retired to his old post on the Shannoc mountain. The heat of the weather was such that we lost 9 men on the march by it. We had no men Killed and about 20 wounded and a Captain in the Guards shot through the Body. Great want of water as the Inhabitants had choaked several of their wells. Most of the Houses were abandoned, what were not had only women and children. The rebel army had moved from the Mountain Country leaving there taken post at Quibbletown three miles South of the mountain. The Engineers and Artificers were divided with the 2 Columns—two Established and an Assistant Engineer to each, myself with the Commander in Chief. The first body that fired on our right Column was about 1500 men under a General Conway and 3 field pieces, which were soon routed with loss by the usual Intrepidity of Light Infantry. Lord Chewton, aid de Camp to Lord Cornwallis had his horse shot under him. One man raved with a coup de soleil and fired at our own flankers. Amongst the prisoners a Major, 2 Captains and an Adjutant the latter shot through the thigh.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, pp. 424-5

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 27, 1777

At 5 this morning the whole returned towards Amboy and encamped within a mile of Woodbridge. A little firing just setting out and took 2 officers and a Serjeant of Rebel rifle men. A packet from England arrived at New York and vessels with lumber & from Halifax. Rebels broke up the Bridge across Rahway River, upper branch, called Robertson's River where is a remarkable good port on the East side. Not the least firing on our River.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 425

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 28, 1777

At 4 this morning the whole marched and reached Amboy in 5 hours and mostly encamped. Weather exceptionally hot—no firing at all. This country richer and better watered. Part of the Army Continued their march, crossed the Ferry to Staaten Island and encamped there, and one Brigade of Hessians embarked on board their respective vessels lying near Amboy. Much baggage, Waggons, Horses & ferried across likewise. Some deserters from the Rebels and one Light dragoon. The Vigilant armed with 18 and 24 pounders & made up the Rariton, so as to flank our Camp. Flat bottomed boats and such cratt arrived this afternoon at Amboy from Princes Bay.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, pp. 425-6

Journal of Captain John Montresor, Sunday, June 29, 1777

The whole day principally taken up in transporting in Flat boats & the Baggage of this Army across to Staaten Island together with every kind of "Stores de Guerre de bouche" besides Artillery, Horned Cattle, waggons, Horses and a working party of 300 men employed in Erazing the Interiour faces of the Redoubts & the Exteriour of Fort Callibogus fronting towards Staaten Island. Six deserters came in. Captain Finch of the Grenadiers died of his wounds and buried this day at Amboy. Every preparation forming this day for our leaving the Province tomorrow. Gallies and armed vessels posted in the Kills and Raritan so as to cover our passage from Staaten Island which ferry is about of a mile across. New York Company of Volunteers detached from King's Bridge towards White plains—killed 6 of the rebels and brought in Eight Prisoners—Twenty five head of Cattle and Eleven Horses.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 426

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 30, 1777

Wind at South East and rain. This morning early began to call in our posts which were advanced to Strawberry Hill and continued retiring the army to the Town and embarking the whole in boats until past 3 this afternoon when the Province of New Jersey was entirely evacuated by the King's Troops, the Rebels were so disconcerted by the secret and very unexpected movement of the army on the 26th Instant that not a shot has been fired by them since, as the last boats were coming off an Inhabitant came in from Westfield not having met with any one between that and Amboy. Our army on disembarking at Staaten Island immediately marched on and occupied their several grounds for encamping. Head Quarters, this night at Richmond. Arrived the Otter sloop of War from West Indies with 9 sail of vessels under Convoy.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 426

Monday, July 13, 2026

Oration of James Lovell, Α. Μ., Delivered at Boston, April 2, 1771.

Omnes homines naturá Libertati student, et CONDITIONEM ser vitutis oderunt.

 

CÆS.

 

-Nunc ea petit, quæ dare nullo modo possumus, nisi priùs volumes nos bello victos confiteri.

CIC.

YOUR design in the appointment of this ceremony, my friends and fellow townsmen, cannot fail to be examined in quite different lights at this season of political dissension. From the principles I profess, and in the exercise of my common right to judge with others, I conclude it was decent, wise, and honourable.

The certainty of being favoured with your kindest partiality and candour, in a poor attempt to execute the part to which you have invited me, has overcome the objection of my inability to perform it in a proper manner; and I now beg the favour of your animating countenance.

The horrid bloody scene we here commemorate, whatever were the causes which concurred to bring it on that dreadful night, must lead the pious and humane, of every order, to some suitable reflections. The pious will adore the conduct of that BEING who is unsearchable in all his ways, and without whose knowledge not a single sparrow falls, in permitting an immortal soul to be hurried by the flying ball, the messenger of death, in the twinkling of an eye, to meet the awful Judge of all its secret actions. The humane, from having often thought, with pleasing rapture, on the endearing scenes of social life, in all its amiable relations, will lament, with heartfelt pangs, their sudden dissolution, by indiscretion, rage, and vengeance.

But let us leave that shocking close of one continued course of rancour and dispute, from the first moment that the troops arrived in town; that course will now be represented by your own reflections to much more solid, useful purpose, than by any artful language. I hope, however, that heaven has yet in store such happiness for this afflicted town and province, as will in time wear out the memory of all your former troubles.

I sincerely rejoice with you in the happy event of your steady and united effort to prevent a second tragedy.

Our fathers left their native land, risked all the dangers of the sea, and came to this then savage desert, with that true undaunted courage which is excited by a confidence in God. They came that they might here enjoy themselves, and leave to their posterity the best of earthly portions, full English liberty. You showed upon the alarming cause for trial, that their brave spirit still exists in vigour, though their legacy of right is much impaired. The sympathy and active friendship of some neighbouring towns, upon that sad occasion, commands the highest gratitude of this.

We have seen and felt the ill effects of placing standing forces in the midst of populous communities; but those are only what individuals suffer. Your vote directs me to point out the fatal tendency of placing such an order in free cities-fatal indeed! Athens once was free; a citizen, a favourite of the people, by an artful story, gained a trifling guard of fifty men; ambition taught him ways to enlarge that number; he destroyed the commonwealth, and made himself the tyrant of the Athenians. Cæsar, by the length of his command in Gaul, got the affections of his army, marched to Rome, overthrew the state, and made himself perpetual dictator. By the same instruments, many less republics have been made to fall a prey to the devouring jaws of tyrants. But this is a subject which should never be disguised with figures; it chooses the plain style of dissertation.

The true strength and safety of every commonwealth or limited monarchy, is the bravery of its freeholders, its militia. By brave militias they rise to grandeur, and they come to ruin by a mercenary army. This is founded on historical facts, and the same causes will, in similar circumstances, for ever produce the same effects. Justice Blackstone, in his inimitably clear commentaries, tells us, that "it is extremely dangerous in a land of liberty, to make a distinct order of the profession of arms; that such an order is an object of jealousy; and that the laws and constitution of England are strangers to it." One article of the Bill of Rights is, that the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in a time of peace, unless it be with consent of parliament, is against law. The present army, therefore, though called the peace establishment, is kept up by one act, and governed by another; both of which expire annually. This circumstance is valued as a sufficient check upon the army. A less body of troops than is now maintained, has, on a time, destroyed a king, and fought under a parliament with great success and glory; but, upon a motion to disband them, they turned their masters out of doors, and fixed others in their stead. Such wild things are not again to happen, because the parliament have power to stop payment once a year: But arma tenenti quis neget? which may be easily interpreted, "who will bind Sampson with his locks on?"1

The bill which regulates the army, the same fine author I have mentioned, says, is, in many respects, hastily penned, and reduces the soldier to a state of slavery, in the midst of a free nation. This is impolitic; for slaves envy the freedom of others, and take a malicious pleasure in contributing to destroy it."

By this scandalous bill a justice of peace is empowered to grant, without a previous oath from the military officer, a warrant to break open any (freeman's) house, upon pretence of searching for deserters.

I must not omit to mention one more bad tendency; it is this, a standing force leads to a total neglect of militias, or tends greatly to discourage them.

You see the danger of a standing army to the cause of freedom. If the British parliament consents from year to year to be exposed, it doubtless has good reasons. But when did our assembly pass an act to hazard all the property, the liberty and lives of their constituents? What check have we upon a British army? can we disband it? can we stop its pay?

Our own assemblies in America can raise an army; and our monarch, George the 3d, by our constitution, takes immediate command. This army can consent to leave their native provinces. Will the royal chief commander send them to find barracks at Brunswick, or Lunenburg, at Hanover, or the commodious hall of Westminster? suppose the last; suppose this army was informed, nay thought the parliament in actual rebellion, or only on the eve of one, against the king, or against those who paid and clothed them; for there it pinches:—we are rebels against parliament; we adore the king. Where, in the case I have stated, would be the value of the boasted English constitution?

Who are a free people? not those who do not suffer actual oppression; but those who have a constitutional check upon the power to oppress.

We are slaves or freemen: if, as we are called, the last, where is our check upon the following powers, FranceSpain, the States of Holland, or the British parliaments? now if any one of these (and it is quite immaterial which) has a right to make the two acts in question operate within this province, they have a right to give us up to an unlimited army, under the sole direction of one Saracen commander.

Thus I have led your thoughts to that upon which I formed my conclusion, that the design of this ceremony was decent, wise, and honourable. Make the bloody 5th of March the era of the resurrection of your birthrights, which have been murdered by the very strength that nursed them in their infancy. I had an eye solely to parliamentary supremacy; and I hope you will think every other view beneath your notice, in our present most alarming situation.

Chatham, Camden, and others, gods among men, and the farmer, whom you have addressed as the friend of mankind; all these have owned that England has a right to exercise every power over us, but that of taking money out of our pockets, without our consent.2 Though it seems almost too bold therefore in us to say " we doubt in every single instance her legal right over this province,"3 yet we must assert it. Those I have named are mighty characters, but they wanted one advantage Providence has given us. The beam is carried off

from our eyes, by the flowing blood of our fellow citizens, and now we may be allowed to attempt to remove the mote from the eyes of our exalted patrons. That mote, we think, is nothing but our obligation to England first, and afterwards Great Briain, for constant kind protection of our lives and birthrights against foreign danger. We all acknowledge that protection.

Let us once more look into the early history of this province. We find that our English ancestors, disgusted in their native country at a Legislation, which they saw was sacrificing all their rights, left its jurisdiction,4 and sought, like wandering birds of passage, some happier climate. Here at length they settled down. The king of England was said to be the royal5 landlord of this territory; with him they entered into mutual, sacred compact, by which the price of tenure, and the rules of management, were fairly stated. It is in this compact that we find our only true legislative authority.

I might here enlarge upon the character of those first settlers, men of whom the world was little worthy; who, for a long course of years, assisted by no earthly power, defended their liberty, their religion, and their lives, against the greatest inland danger of the savage natives; but this falls not within my present purpose. They were secure by sea.

In our infancy, when not an over tempting jewel for the Bourbon crown, the very name of England saved us; afterwards her fleets and armies. We wish not to depreciate the worth of that protection. Of our gold, yea, of our most fine gold, we will freely give a part. Our fathers would have done the same. But must we fall down and cry "let not a stranger rob and kill me, O my father! let me rather die by the hand of my brother, and let him ravish all my portion!"6

It is said that disunited from Britain, “we should bleed at every vein." I cannot see the consequence. The states of Holland do not suffer thus. But grant it true, Seneca, would prefer the launcets of FranceSpain, or any other power, to the bow string, though applied by the fair hand of Britannia.

The declarative vote of the British parliament is the death warrant of our birthrights, and wants only a Czarish king to put it into execution. Here then a door of salvation is open. Great Britain may raise her fleets and armies, but it is only our own king that can direct their fire down upon our heads. He is gracious, but not omniscient. He is ready to hear our appeals in their proper course; and knowing himself, though the most powerful prince on earth, yet, a subject under a divine constitution of law; that law he will ask and receive from the twelve judges of England. These will prove that the claim of the British parliament over us is not only illegal in itself, but a downright usurpation of his prerogative as king of America.

A brave nation is always generous. Let us appeal, therefore, at the same time, to the generosity of the people of Great Britain, before the tribunal7 of Europe, not to envy us the full enjoyment of the rights of brethren.

And now, my friends and fellow townsmen, having declared myself an American son of liberty of true charter principles; having shewn the critical and dangerous situation of our birthrights, and the true course for speedy redress; I shall take the freedom to recommend, with boldness, one previous step. Let us show we understand the true value of what we are claiming.

The patriotic farmer tells us, "the cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult. Anger produces anger; and differences, that might be accommodated by kind and respectful behaviour, may, by imprudence, be enlarged to an incurable rage. In quarrels, risen to a certain height, the first cause of dissension is no longer remembered, the minds of the parties being wholly engaged in recollecting and resenting the mutual expressions of their dislike. When feuds have reached that fatal point, considerations of reason and equity vanish; and a blind fury governs, or rather confounds all things. A people no longer regard their interest, but a gratification of their wrath."

We know ourselves subjects of common law; to that and the worthy executors of it, let us pay a steady and conscientious regard. Past errors in this point have been written with gall, by the pen of malice. May our future conduct be such as to make even that vile imp lay her pen aside.

The right which imposes duties upon us, is in dispute; but whether they are managed by a Surveyor-General, a Board of Commissioners, Turkish Janizaries, or Russian Cossacks, let them enjoy during our time of fair trial, the common personal protection of the laws of our constitution. Let us shut our eyes, for the present, to their being executors of claims subversive of our rights.

Watchful, hawk eyed jealousy, ever guards the portal of the temple of the goddess Liberty. This is known to those who frequent her altars. Our whole conduct therefore, I am sure, will meet with the utmost candour of her votaries; but I am wishing we may be able to convert even her basest apostates.

We are slaves until we obtain such redress, through the justice of our king, as our happy constitution leads us to expect. In that condition, let us behave with the propriety and dignity of freemen; and thus exhibit to the world, a new character of a people, which no history describes.

May the all wise and beneficient ruler of the universe preserve our lives and health, and prosper all our lawful endeavours in the glorious cause of freedom.

_______________

1 Trenchard.

2 Taxation and representation are inseparable.

Chath. Camd. From what in our constitution is representation not inseparable! —multa a Crasso divinitùs dicta efferebantur, cùm sibi illum consulem esse negaret cui senator ipse non esset.

Cic.

3 I confine myself to this province, partly from ignorance of other charters; but more from a desire even to vex some abler pen to pursue the idea of check; which an unchartered freeman may do, as well as any other in America.

4 Hæc sunt enim fundamenta firmissima nostræ libertatis, sui quemque juris et retinendi et dimittendi esse dominum.

Cic.

5 I choose to bury a fruitful subject for any satyrical genius of the family of Penn.

6 —ita vitam corpusque servato, ita fortunas, ita rem familiarem, ut hæc posteriora libertati ducas-nec pro his libertatem sed pro libertati hæc projicias, tanquam pignora injuriæ.

7 I do not think the quo warranto against our first charter, was tried in a proper court.

SOURCE: William T. Clap, Publisher, Orations Delivered at the Request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston to Commemorate the Evening of the Fifth of March, 1770; When a Number of Citizens were Killed by a Party of British Troops, Quartered Among Them, In a Time of Peace, Second Edition, pp. 3-11

Sunday, July 12, 2026

Diary of Dr. Ezra Green, Monday, December 1, 1777

Saw Land from mast Head at 10 in the morning, with fine weather.

SOURCE: Dr. Ezra Green, Diary of Ezra Green, M.D., Surgeon on Board the Continental Ship “Ranger,” Under John Paul Jones, from November 1, 1777 to September 27, 1778,  p. 18

Diary of Dr. Ezra Green, Tuesday, December 2, 1777

Ran in for the Land with a fine moderate Breeze, narrowly escap’d running on a Sand through want of a Pilot and arrived all in good spirits at Peanbeauf on the River Loire and came to anchor in the evening.

SOURCE: Dr. Ezra Green, Diary of Ezra Green, M.D., Surgeon on Board the Continental Ship “Ranger,” Under John Paul Jones, from November 1, 1777 to September 27, 1778,  p. 18

Diary of Dr. Ezra Green, Wednesday, December 3, 1777

Wrote a Letter to Capt. Shackford at L’Orient and inclos’d one to my very good friend Cooper—favour’d by Capt. Mutchemore.1
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1 The letter to his friend Cooper is given in the Memoir.

SOURCE: Dr. Ezra Green, Diary of Ezra Green, M.D., Surgeon on Board the Continental Ship “Ranger,” Under John Paul Jones, from November 1, 1777 to September 27, 1778,  p. 18