Showing posts with label George Washington. Show all posts
Showing posts with label George Washington. Show all posts

Monday, July 27, 2026

Journal of Sally Wister, October 19, 1777

Here, my dear, passes an interval of several weeks, in which nothing happen'd worth the time and paper it wou'd take to write it.1 The English, however, in the interim, had taken possession of the city.

Second Day, October the 19th, 1777.

Now for new and uncommon scenes. As I was lying in bed, and ruminating on past and present events, and thinking how happy I shou'd be if I cou'd see you, Liddy came running into the room, and said there was the greatest drumming, fifing, and rattling of waggons that ever she had heard. What to make of this we were at a loss.  We dress'd and down stairs in a hurry. Our wonder ceas'd.

The British had left Germantown, and our Army was marching to take possession. It was the general opinion that they wou'd evacuate the capital.2 Sister Betsy3 and myself, and G. E.4 went about half a mile from home, where we cou'd see the army pass. Thee will stare at my going, but no impropriety in my opine, or I wou'd not have gone. We made no great stay, but return'd with excellent appetites for our breakfast.

Several officers call'd to get some refreshment, but none of consequence till the afternoon. Cousin Prissa5 and myself were sitting at the door; I in a green skirt, dark short gown, &c. Two genteel men of the military order rode up to the door: "Your servant, ladies," &c; ask'd if they cou'd have quarters for Genl. Smallwood. Aunt Foulke thought she cou'd accommodate them as well as most of her neighbours, - said they could. One of the officers dismounted, and wrote

SMALLWOOD'S QUARTERS

over the door, which secured us from straggling soldiers. After this he mounted his steed and rode away.

When we were alone our dress and lips were put in order for conquest, and the hopes of adventures gave brightness to each before passive countenance.

Thee must be told of a Dr. Gould,6 who, by accident, had made an acquaintance with my father, — a sensible, conversible man, a Carolinian, — and had come to bid us adieu on his going to that state. Daddy had prevailed upon him to stay a day or two with us.

In the evening his Generalship7 came with six attendants, which compos'd his family, a large guard of soldiers, a number of horses and baggage-waggons. The yard and house were in confusion, and glitter'd with military equipments.

Gould was intimate with Smallwood, and had gone into Jesse's to see him. While he was there, there was great running up and down stairs, so I had an opportunity of seeing and being seen, the former the most agreeable, to be sure. One person, in particular, attracted my notice. He appear'd cross and reserv'd; but thee shall see how agreeably disappointed I was.

Dr. Gould usher'd the gentlemen into our parlour, and introduced them, "Gen'l Smallwood, Capt. Furnival, Major Stodard, Mr. Prig, Capt. Finley,8 and Mr. Clagan,9 Col. Wood, and Col. Line." These last two did not come with the Gen'l. They are Virginians, and both indispos'd. The Gen'l and suite are Marylanders.

Be assur'd I did not stay long with so many men, but secur'd a good retreat, heart-safe, so far. Some sup'd with us, others at Jesse's. They retir'd about ten, in good order.

How new is our situation! I feel in good spirits, though surrounded by an Army, the house full of officers, the yard alive with soldiers, — very peaceable sort of men, tho'. They eat like other folks, talk like them, and behave themselves with elegance; so I will not be afraid of them, that I won't.

Adieu. I am going to my chamber to dream, I suppose, of bayonets and swords, sashes, guns, and epaulets.

________________

1 We are unfortunately given nothing in relation to the Battle of Germantown, which occurred October 4th, in this interval. The omission is difficult to understand, becauses she alludes, later, to "the battle of Germantown, and the horrors of that day." — H. M. J.

2 On this date the British withdrew from Germantown into Philadelphia, and the Americans moved down the Skippack Road, and the roads adjacent, to take a nearer position. Washington's headquarters, for some days, were at "James Morris's, on the Skippack road," and on the 2d of November, at Whitemarsh, at the Emlen mansion hereafter mentioned. It was the movement of troops down the Morris road, no doubt, "half a mile away," — that Sally and her friends went to see. — H. M. J.

3 ELIZABETH WISTER, Sally's sister, born February 27, 1764.

4 GEORGE EMLEN, son of George and Ann (Reckless) Emlen, was born in Philadelphia, February 25, 1741, and died November 23, 1812. He was married to Sarah Fishbourne, daughter of William and Mary (Talman) Fishbourne, at Pine Street Friends' Meeting, Philadelphia, February 1, 1775. The Emlens had a country seat at Whitemarsh, fourteen miles north of the city. This estate was purchased by George Emlen, Sr., a wealthy Quaker merchant of Philadelphia, in 1745, and at his death, January 3, 1776, it had come into possession of his widow, Ann Emlen, his son George Emlen, Jr., and the other heirs. The Emlen mansion was used by General Washington as his headquarters during the encampment of the Continental Army at Whitemarsh, in the late autumn of 1777, and it was here a few months later that Sally Wister visited and wrote part of the Journal. The house is still standing near Camp Hill Station on the Reading Railroad. It is now owned by the estate of the late Charles T. Aiman. — Phila. Deeds, G. 7, p. 359; Emlen family records.

5 PRISCILLA FOULKE, daughter of William and Hannah, and sister of Caleb, Amos, and Jesse; "Cousin " simply by courtesy, as she was not of kin to Sally. She was born Oct. 3, 1744, and died Jan. 25, 1821, unmarried. — H. M. J.

6 DAVID GOULD, of Virginia, was appointed Hospital Surgeon in the Continental Line, September 8, 1777, and Senior Hospital Surgeon in Virginia, October 11, 1779. He died July 12, 1781, "while on his way to Philadelphia to settle his accounts." (Heitman; "American State Papers," xix., 21). Our journalist thus notes his death, in the back part of the book containing her Journal:

"August, 1781. And must I again trace with my pen an account of the death of another of our Northwales friends? The worthy Dr. Gould: — the last scene of his life was clos'd at Hartford [Harford?] in Maryland. Clos'd forever those lips, from which proceeded the most beautiful sentiments, cloath'd in the most elegant expressions. Silent forever that silver tongue, that charm'd the listening audience. Flown to happier regions that heart, where all the social virtues resided, where disappointment shall never enter.

"I hope

“‘The hand of friendship rais'd his languid head

“‘And smooth'd the pillow of his dying bed.’”

7 WILLIAM SMALLWOOD, son of Bayne and Priscilla (Heabard) Smallwood, was born in Maryland in 1732. His father was a merchant and planter, at one time presiding officer of the Court of Common Pleas, and also a member of the House of Burgesses; his mother was a native of Virginia. At an early age he was sent to school in England, where he finished his education. On January 2, 1776, he was made Colonel of the Maryland Battalion, and on July 10, with nine companies, he joined Washington in New York. His troops took an active part in the Battle of Brooklyn Heights, and at White Plains. At White Plains he was wounded, and for his gallantry on the occasion Congress appointed him a Brigadier-General, October 23, 1776. He was present at the Battles of Brandywine and Germantown. At the latter place his Maryland troops retrieved the day, and captured part of the enemy's camp. During the winter of 1777-1778 he was stationed at Wilmington, Delaware. He won new laurels in the southern campaign, and received the thanks of Congress. In September, 1780, he was given the rank of Major-General, and remained in the army until the close of the war. In 1785, he was elected to Congress, but in the same year was chosen Governor of Maryland, and served in the latter office until 1788. He then retired to his plantation called "Mattawoman," on the Potomac, in Charles County, and resided there during the remainder of his life. The registers of Durham Parish show that he took an active part in the vestry meetings. In 1791 his subscription to the Vestry was estimated on three thousand pounds of tobacco, the largest crop in the parish. He died unmarried, February 14, 1792, and is buried on his plantation; his estate passed to collateral heirs. His old Colonial homestead, built of brick, still stands upon a high promontory on the shore of the Potomac. On July 4, 1898, the Sons of the American Revolution erected there a granite monument to his memory. — Nat. Cyc. of Amer. Bio., IX., 292; Heitman; Md. Journal and Balt. Advertiser, Feb. 21, 1792.

8 EBENEZER FINLEY, of Maryland, made Captain of Maryland Artillery, July 4, 1777. This company formed part of the First Continental Artillery, May 30, 1778. In June, 1780, Captain Finley became Department Judge Advocate of the Southern Department, and continued in that office until the close of the war. Heitman.

9 HORATIO CLAGETT, or Claggett, son of Thomas Clagett, of "Piscataway," St. George's County, Maryland, served as Ensign of the Third Battalion Maryland Flying Camp, from July to

December, 1776. He became First Lieutenant of the third Maryland regiment, December 10, 1776, and Captain, October 10, 1777. He was transferred to the Fifth Maryland, January 1, 1781, and to the Third Maryland, January 2, 1783. He was retained in the Maryland Battalion, April, 1783, and on the 30th of September was given the rank of Brevet-Major. His service in the army continued until November 3, 1783. After the war he went to London, England, married and died there. — Heitman; W. W. Bowie, "Bowies and Their Kindred (Washington, D. C., 1899), 399.

SOURCE: Albert Cook Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 73-8

Sunday, July 19, 2026

Journal of Lieutenant Ebenezer Denny, September 14, 1781

General Washington arrived; our brigade was paraded to receive him; he rode along the line quarters in Williamsburg.

SOURCE: J. B. Lippincott & Co., Publisher, The Record of the Court at Upland, in Pennsylvania. 1676 to 1681. And a Military Journal Kept by Major E. Denny, 1781 to 1795, p. 242

Journal of Lieutenant Ebenezer Denny, September 15, 1781

Officers all pay their respects to the Commander-in-chief; go in a body; those who are not personally known, their names given by General Hand and General Wayne. He stands in the door, takes every man by the hand—the officers all pass in, receiving his salute and shake. This the first time I had seen the General. We have an elegant encampment close to town, behind William and Mary College. This building occupied as an hospital. Williamsburg a very handsome place, not so populous as Richmond, but situate on evenly, pretty ground; streets and lots spacious—does not appear to be a place of much business, rather the residence of gentlemen of fortune; formerly it was the seat of government and Dunmore's late residence. A neat public building, called the capitol, fronts the principal street; upon the first floor is a handsome marble statue of William Pitt.

The presence of so many general officers, and the arrival of new corps, seem to give additional life to everything; discipline the order of the day. In all directions troops seen exercising and manœuvring. Baron Steuben, our great military oracle. The guards attend the grand parade at an early hour, where the Baron is always found waiting with one or two aids on horseback. These men are exercised and put through various evolutions and military experiments for two hours—many officers and spectators present; excellent school, this. At length the duty of the parade comes on. The guards are told off; officers take their posts, wheel by platoons to the right; fine corps of music detailed for this duty, which strikes up; the whole march off, saluting the Baron and field officer of the day, as they pass. Pennsylvania brigade almost all old soldiers, and well disciplined when compared with those of Maryland and Virginia. But the troops from the eastward far superior to either.

SOURCE: J. B. Lippincott & Co., Publisher, The Record of the Court at Upland, in Pennsylvania. 1676 to 1681. And a Military Journal Kept by Major E. Denny, 1781 to 1795, pp. 243-4

Journal of Lieutenant Ebenezer Denny, September 28, 1781

The whole army moved in three divisions toward the enemy, who were strongly posted at York, about twelve miles distant. Their pickets and light troops retire. We encamped about three miles off — change ground and take a position within one mile of York; rising ground (covered with tall handsome pines) called Pigeon Hill, separates us from a view of the town. Enemy keep possession of Pigeon Hill. York on a high, sandy plain, on a deep navigable river of same name. Americans on the right; French on the left, extending on both sides of the river; preparations for a siege. One-third of the army on fatigue every day, engaged in various duties, making gabions, fascines, saucissons, &c., and great exertions and labor in getting on the heavy artillery. Strong covering parties (whole regiments) moved from camp as soon as dark, and lay all night upon their arms between us and the enemy. Our regiment, when on this duty, were under cover, and secured from the shot by Pigeon Hill; now and then a heavy shot from the enemy's works reached our camp. Our patrols, and those of the British, met occasionally in the dark, sometimes a few shot were exchanged—would generally retire. Colonel Schamel, adjutant-general to the army, with two or three attendants, on a party of observation, ventured rather close; they were seen and intercepted by a few smart horsemen from the British. Schamel forced his way through, and got back to camp, but received a wound, of which he died next day. His death was lamented, and noticed by the Commander-in-chief in his orders. Possession taken of Pigeon Hill, and temporary work erected. Generals and engineers, in viewing and surveying the ground, are always fired upon and sometimes pursued. Escorts and covering parties stationed at convenient distances under cover of wood, rising ground, &c., afford support. This business reminds me of a play among the boys, called Prison-base. At length, everything in readiness, a division of the army broke ground on the night of the 6th of October, and opened the first parallel about six hundred yards from the works of the enemy. Every exertion to annoy our men, who were necessarily obliged to be exposed about the works; however, the business went on, and on the 9th our cannon and mortars began to play. The scene viewed from the camp now was grand, particularly after dark — a number of shells from the works of both parties passing high in the air, and descending in a curve, each with a long train of fire, exhibited a brilliant spectacle. Troops in three divisions manned the lines alternately. We were two nights in camp and one in the lines; relieved about ten o'clock. Passed and repassed by a covert way leading to the parallel.

SOURCE: J. B. Lippincott & Co., Publisher, The Record of the Court at Upland, in Pennsylvania. 1676 to 1681. And a Military Journal Kept by Major E. Denny, 1781 to 1795, p. 244-5

Tuesday, July 14, 2026

Journal of Captain John Montresor, Sunday, June 15, 1777

Middle Bush. Accounts received this afternoon that Washington with the rebel Army had fled to Corryall's Ferry in order to cross to the River Delaware leaving behind to amuse us, General Sullivan and 2000 men. Escort to and from Brunswick. 3 deserters but ill informed. Tis supposed by us that the Rebel Army is still posted on the Shannock Hills.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 422

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 16, 1777

Began on 3 redoubts to mask the extreme of the wood to Hillsboro and ¼ at the end of the wood, ½ mile South of the bridge cross the Mill Stone River, nearly finished the whole this night. Escort to and from Brunswick. A deserter who saw Washington last night at Middle brook. Several smart showers.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 422

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 26, 1777

At 3 o'clock this morning the Army moved in 2 Columns, the right Lord Cornwallis-left Major General Vaughan—the Right Column took the Woodbridge Road and the left the Brunswick road but turned off the road to Metuchin meeting and 1200 men were sent on to take post at Bonham town way to Brunswick from Amboy and the 2 Columns encamped this night at Westfield. A continued firing most of this day's march. Lord Sterling and General Maxwell with 3000 men and 4 brass field pieces principally opposed us near Westfield, but were put to flight leaving behind 3 Brass Field pieces, 3 Pounders one French and 2 English. Supposed to have killed this day about 50 of the Rebels and took 64 prisoners in arms and about 500 head of horned cattle. Washington with the gross of his Army made off very early with the utmost Expedition and his Baggage and retired to his old post on the Shannoc mountain. The heat of the weather was such that we lost 9 men on the march by it. We had no men Killed and about 20 wounded and a Captain in the Guards shot through the Body. Great want of water as the Inhabitants had choaked several of their wells. Most of the Houses were abandoned, what were not had only women and children. The rebel army had moved from the Mountain Country leaving there taken post at Quibbletown three miles South of the mountain. The Engineers and Artificers were divided with the 2 Columns—two Established and an Assistant Engineer to each, myself with the Commander in Chief. The first body that fired on our right Column was about 1500 men under a General Conway and 3 field pieces, which were soon routed with loss by the usual Intrepidity of Light Infantry. Lord Chewton, aid de Camp to Lord Cornwallis had his horse shot under him. One man raved with a coup de soleil and fired at our own flankers. Amongst the prisoners a Major, 2 Captains and an Adjutant the latter shot through the thigh.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, pp. 424-5

Thursday, July 2, 2026

Journal of Samuel Curwen, May 9, 1775

Dined with Stephen Collins; passed the evening at Joseph Reed's,1 in company with Col. WASHINGTON, (a fine figure and of a most easy and agreeable address,) Richard Henry Lee, and Col. Harrison, three of the Virginia delegates. Besides Mr. and Mrs. Reed, were Mrs. Deberdt,2 Dr. Shippen, and Thomas Smith. I staid till twelve o'clock, the conversation being chiefly on the most feasible and prudent method of stopping up the channel of the Delaware to prevent the coming up of any large ships to the city; I could not perceive the least disposition to accommodate matters.

Col. Caswell and Mr. Hewes, the North Carolina delegates, arrived this day, and are at our lodgings.
_______________

1 In July, 1774, this gentleman directed his correspondent at Boston, to pay £10 to the committee for the relief of sufferers by the Boston Port Bill.

2 The mother of Mrs. Reed and widow of the Massachusetts Assembly agent to the British government.

SOURCE: George Atkinson Ward, Journal and Letters of the Late Samuel Curwen, Judge of Admiralty, etc., An American Refugee in England from 1775 to 1784, pp. 27-8

Tuesday, June 30, 2026

A sketch of the life and character of the late Rev. ENOS HITCHCOCK, D. D. Pastor of the first Congregational Church in Providence.

THE life of a christian minister, spent in labour, for the eternal welfare of his fellow-beings, must always be an object of the greatest veneration and love to every Christian community. The life of such a man, a christian people will always wish to become acquainted with; for such a life will not only strengthen the affection of the good and virtuous, to the great Redeemer of mankind, and their resolution to adhere to the precepts of his gospel; but it will have some tendency to promote a reformation among the sinful and unbelieving.

A true christian will never rest satisfied with his own belief in the truth of the gospel; neither will he be satisfied with well wishing its dissemination: he will himself labour in the vineyard; he will “plough in hope,” although the harvest of his labours may be cut short; he will use always his best exertions to make the ignorant and prejudiced mind accessible to divine truth, both by precept and example.

The minister of the gospel of Christ, who sincerely labours in his calling, is also an object of the greatest respect. Whatever we may think of that statesman, who, by the labours of his closet is able to set a continent in arms, or of that philosophy which throws open the mysteries of the natural world; or of those splendid achievements which adorn a warrior’s name; how trifling and insignificant, how like the “stuff dreams are made of,” do they all appear, in comparison with the soldier of Christ, who conquers the world; who having “ buckled on the armour of God,” follows the “great Captain of our salvation” to the conquest of the “world, the flesh, and the Devil.” There is, in fact, something so soul captivating in the christian warfare, that we must indeed be “trumpet-tongued” before we can speak its praise. There is also such a dignity of character in the christian soldier, as well as meekness and gentleness, that if respect did not always accompany sincere affection, we could hardly determine whether we respected or loved him most.

These few desultory remarks were suggested by reflecting on the ministry of the late Rev. Doctor Hitchcock, a short account of whose life we now present to our readers. We however do not affirm, that Doctor Hitchcock ought to be ranked among the greatest divines: he was probably not so great as he was good. His doctrines however were truly evangelical. He believed that Jesus Christ was the way, and the only way to eternal salvation. His sermons were usually calculated to persuade and convince, rather than terrify or command. He preached the unbounded mercy and goodness of God oftener perhaps, than the terrour of divine wrath and justice; although he always made the sinner acquainted with his real situation; what he had to do and believe, before he could expect that goodness and mercy. That God would administer justice, he sincerely believed—but he believed he would administer it in tender mercy. He always looked up to God as a merciful father, who could not take pleasure in the death of the wicked: still he believed that justice must be done, and that the vicarious sufferings of our Saviour satisfied that justice; not however universally, but with respect to those who were willing to take his “yoke upon them.”

His sermons also usually contained sound moral precepts.— He was convinced that sound morality was essentially requisite in every well regulated community; that in fact the civil order of things depended, in great measure, upon it. And although it was not in itself sufficient to “see God,” it greatly aided and prepared the way for the dissemination of gospel truth. “He was convinced, in fact, that it not only strengthened the social compact, and rendered mankind more willing to obey the new commandment of our Saviour, to “love one another,” but that it also prepared the mind for the reception of evangelical knowledge, and the heart, with the assistance of “preventing grace,” for that new birth, which our Saviour said to a ruler of the Jews, was necessary, to “see the kingdom of God.” Perhaps he more forcibly felt the necessity of morality from the circumstance of his having been a chaplain in the American army; where from the nature of his situation, he must have witnessed depravity of the most odious character: where in fact morality was the only thing he could hope to inculcate with any degree of success.— The din of war, the loud yelling cries of blood and battle, are too incompatible with the mild and gentle accents of the gospel; however painful the thought they cannot be heard: the dulcet notes of the “new song” are too often overpowered. If a chaplain can enforce, even with the assistance of a strict military discipline, an observance of moral rectitude, in such a place, it is all ' he can reasonably expect.

This circumstance might have been the cause, why he so forcibly inculcated morality—why he so usually blended the moralist with the divine. But whether we consider him the one or the other, we find sufficient to admire. He was as faithful a servant of Christ, as he was a sound moral teacher. He was born at Springfield, in the State of Massachusetts, of respectable parents, in the year 1744. We have no record of his early life; it is probable, however, that nothing remarkable occurred; his genius was not of that east, which would be likely to burst forth in extraordinary youthful blazes. It was left to the maturity of age to stamp his character with usefulness. His early education however was not neglected; he was fitted and entered college, and received the honours of Harvard University, in the year 1767. Soon after he graduated, he devoted himself to the study of divinity; this however was no new study, although his views. were now directed thereto, with more particular reference to entering on the gospel ministry; in which, his course afterwards was continually progressing and luminous, and in the course of two or three years, became a preacher of the gospel. “His performances, while a candidate, met with general acceptance, and in 1771 he was ordained a colleague with the venerable and excellent Mr. Chipman, Pastor of the second church in Beverly, whose age and infirmities incapacitated him from publick services. While his life continued, the two Pastors lived together in great mutual affection and harmony. Dr. Hitchcock exerted himself for the spiritual and temporal interests of his people, enjoyed their affectionate esteem, and acquired the approbation and friendship of neighbouring societies and ministers.”

It was during his ministry in Beverly, that he married Miss ACHSAH JOURDAN, of Portland, in the District of Maine, a lady of unaffected piety, whose mind was accomplished, and whose heart was affectionately disposed. With such a wife he lived in the full enjoyment of connubial happiness. Mrs. Hitchcock was a member of the church under his pastoral care—and she lived in holy communion with her spiritual master, which she evinced by the purity of her life, and a steady adherence to the outward institutions of the visible church on earth. She died on the fifth day of May, A. D. 1801, lamented by all who had enjoyed the happiness of her acquaintance.

Early in our national revolution, Dr. Hitchcock became a chaplain in the army. He was induced to this, from a sense of duty he believed he owed his country. He probably revolved the whole contest between the mother country and her colonies in his own mind, before he engaged. He probably viewed it, as it really was, a contest for dominion on the one side, and self-defence on the other. He considered the pretensions of Great Britain unwarrantable; totally inconsistent with our established rights; and that, had we submitted, instead of being British subjects, we should have been British slaves—slaves to a British ministerial faction, who made encroachments on our rights, not so much from the hope of gain, or of adding strength to the British empire, as from the pride of dominion. Had the faction permitted us to have been British subjects in reality—to have enjoyed all the privileges of British subjects, the probability is we should have owed them allegiance much longer: but being the sons of Sydney, Russell and Hampden, we could not, we would not be slaves. As our warm and powerful advocate, the Hon. Edmund Burk observed, “we were a high minded people, who snuff at the approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze.”— Such was our character, and such was the character of the faction which wished to triumph over us; and being viewed as such, Dr. Hitchcock felt himself impelled by a principle of duty to uphold his native country, in the struggle. Whatever, as a christian, he might have thought of war in general, a war of self-defence was a righteous war; a war warranted by the first law of nature.

While he was chaplain in the army, “his social qualities and engaging deportment made him highly acceptable; while his nice regard to decorum and dignity of character commanded respect and added weight to his efforts on the side of order and virtue, of patriotick bravery, zeal and perseverance.” But if any proof was wanting of the estimation in which he was held in the army, the marked attentions, which the father of our country shewed him might be adduced. With Washington he was not only personally acquainted, but on intimate terms of friendship. That great and illustrious chief, at the mention of whose name every eye sparkles with rapture, respected and loved him; often invited him to his quarters, when leisure from the “tented field” allowed him to listen to the accents of friendship and religion—and when that immortal hero slept with his fathers, the impression which that event made upon his mind was deep indeed: but being accustomed to practice as well as to teach the precepts of his divine master, he was enabled to say—“father; not mine, but thy mill be done.”

His funeral discourse on the death of his friend, abundantly shews in what light he viewed him, and what were his feelings—notwithstanding he was compelled to exclaim in the language of his text on that occasion1—“The beauty of Israel is slain upon thy high places. How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished”—and mourn, “incessantly mourn,” as Israel did, the death of Moses; notwithstanding, in this instance, he felt the peculiar effect of the awful sentence of “dust to dust,” still he was enabled to say, “the Lord gave, the Lord taketh away, blessed be the name of the Lord.” But besides a duty of resignation, his discourse, on that event, finely illustrates the publick and private character of Washington. It is also replete with instruction, both on moral and political subjects. It shows the necessity of civil institutions; the necessity of restraints from civil law, as well as the duty of civil obedience ; all which are forcibly inculcated; while a vein of unaffected piety runs throughout the whole.

While he was chaplain, his duty compelled him to relinquish the pastoral charge of his people at Beverly. Accordingly he was amicably dismissed from that people in the year 1780.— Soon after that event, he occasionally preached in Providence, when he had leisure from the duty of the camp. The first congregational church and society, in this place, were so much charmed with his preaching, so much delighted with his doctrines, and his character as a servant of Christ, that they earnestly gave him a call to become their Pastor. His feelings told him he was sincerely called, and we hope and trust, called of God, “as was Aaron,” to the high and responsible office of priesthood. With humility he obeyed the call, accepted the office of Pastor, and was installed minister of that society on the first day of October, A. D. 1783. In this office, beloved by his flock, he continued for nearly twenty years, till the 26th day of February, A. D. 1803, when he departed this life, regretted by all, in the 59th year of his age, and expiring said “I sleep in Jesus.”

As we before observed, we do not rank him with those who possess the greatest talents; but we may with those who possess the most useful. While in the performance of his ministerial duties in this town, he not only promoted with all his power the best interests of the religion he professed, but he never let pass an opportunity of rendering unto society any other essential benefit. The education of youth, in a particular manner, occupied his attention. Impressed with the necessity of early and good education, he was always foremost in the establishment of institutions for that purpose. He was the first “who led the way” to the establishment of free schools in this State, and to procure an act to be passed the Legislature for that purpose. The wisdom of design, and the benevolent execution of this plan, will always be remembered with gratitude and love. ‘Thousands of poor and orphan children, who otherwise would have been left to the uncertainty of chance, or to the frigid support of extorted alms, even for those first rudiments, which are necessary, in the unshapen beginning, in the Aurora of the mind, must now always remember his spirited and noble exertions for its2 establishment, with the most thankful hearts.

How must, also, many a useful citizen feel, when he discovers that to the exertions of this philanthropist, he owes all his importance, all his reputation in society, and all his ability to be useful to his fellow-beings. Surely his soul will cling to his memory, as humble repentance does to the remembrance of forgiving mercy.—His remembrance “being written within the book and volume of the brain,” he will not, he cannot forget him.

But the exertions Doctor Hitchcock made to establish free schools, and to promote the education of youth, constitute by no means the most valuable part of his character. Notwithstanding he was a friend to youth, he was a greater friend to manhood and old age. In the language of Dr. Tappan, who preached his funeral discourse, “he laboured with great zeal to promote brotherly union among christians, and ministers of different denominations. For this purpose he introduced and eagerly cherished stated friendly meetings—one embracing the several clergymen of this town—another, the pastors and other leading members of the various christian communions. The result of these and similar measures, was the growth of mutual esteem, and confidence of religious candour and fellowship, with all their lovely and happy effects. He was also distinguished by habitual and active benevolence. This he exemplified in his warm and steady friendship, in his generous and cheerful hospitality; in his kind and soothing offices to the sick and afflicted; in his tender and liberal donations to the needy; in large contributions to publick and pious uses. The same spirit remarkably adorned and endeared his domestick conduct. His affectionate and unceasing attention to his amiable consort, amid her long continued bodily infirmities; his paternal goodness, living and dying, to his adopted child; the benevolent patronage which he afforded to other connexions; his humane and condescending behaviour to his servants, especially to a faithful African, whom his kindness redeemed from bondage and exceedingly attached to his person and service—these facts are striking monuments of his excellent disposition.”

“His discourses from the desk,” says the same pious divine, “were chiefly occupied in explaining and urging evangelical faith and repentance, goodness and charity, and the whole train of christian virtues, as recommended by the example of our divine Master, and enforced by the gracious and sublime discoveries of his gospel. The style of his compositions was perspicuous, neat and correct.” “The closing scene of his life gave an impressive display of the force and excellence of his christian principles. It exhibited that patient resignation to the will of God; that triumph over pain and death; that comforting anticipation of future glory which the spirit and hope of the gospel are fitted to inspire.” But his exertions to promote the interests of religion may be considered the most valuable. He not only exerted himself in the pulpit, in private meetings and families, to promote the gospel, but he gave more than six thousand dollars to the first congregational church in Providence, for the support of a christian ministry. Such a noble enthusiasm in the cause of religion and virtue, must always be remembered with gratitude and joy, and we hope will have tendency to induce others to do likewise.

Very soon after his settlement in Providence, he was elected into the fellowship of Rhode-Island College, (now Brown University) and in that important office rendered very essential services to that seminary of learning. He very often suggested to the professors and tutors, useful plans for government and instruction: in fact, very few were so adequate in devising ways and means “to teach the young idea how to shoot,” or to direct the mind into the most useful channel.

His conversation in private circles was always pleasant, but never light. He had a great idea of dignity of character on all occasions; of course he never allowed his manners or conversation to be tinctured with any thing that was light or trivial.—Perhaps his invariable dignified deportment was considered by some as originating in pride, but those who best knew him, were convinced it arose from a desire of being exemplary in all his conduct. The influence of example he thought to be great, and 80 far as his example might go, he was determined it should be good.

He was a member of the society of Cincinnati; and very few, with more warmth, “espoused the fraternal, humane and publick views of their institution.” In fact, in whatever light we view him, we find much to admire, and little or nothing to condemn. We therefore hold him up to our readers, and to the world at large, as a man, though not great, yet useful—as a man whose conduct through life was governed by honest and upright principles. He published several small but useful treatises on different subjects; and one treatise in particular, entitled, “An answer to the question, why do you observe the rite commonly called the Lord’s Supper?” certainly possesses considerable merit. He forcibly sets forth the reasons for celebrating that christian ordinance—elucidates the nature of the institution, and its use and design, while he portrays the temper and character the communicant ought to possess, to render his attendance upon it, a “service acceptable to God,” or profitable to himself. He also explains the subject in such a manner as to remove the doubts and scruples which arise in many minds, “from St. Paul’s strictures on the licentious conduct of the Corinthians.” This reproof of St. Paul has undoubtedly detered many well meaning persons from coming to the table, for fear they should eat and drink unworthily, and thereby be “guilty of the body and blood of Christ;” but from his explanation, “there is nothing in the nature of this institution to excite fearful apprehensions, nor any thing in the words, the time, or circumstances of its original appointment, that can deter any person of sober life and conversation from it.” This treatise is written in very plain and simple style, adapted to the capacity of any reader. The subject is well digested, and arranged with method: and although the arguments may not be thought conclusive by some, they must, nevertheless have great weight with all: in fact, they are generally supported by texts from scripture. It is a subject, however, about which a great deal has been said and written: we therefore forbear to make any comment; we only wish to state what were his impressions. We are sensible it has been a subject about which different sects in religion have entertained widely different opinions, about which there has been much disputation. According to our regulations therefore, we must hold ourselves aloof from espousing any particular sect, or advancing any doctrine which may be considered polemical.

He also published “a serious address to communicants, with some short meditations, devotional exercises of heart, and forms of prayer, suitable for the communion season.” This short treatise also possesses merit.—It shews his own temper of mind, and the disposition of his heart, towards that God on whom he humbly relied, in all situations in life, as well as the necessary temper of all, in the communion season. But perhaps his own words would best show what that temper was, and what the disposition of his heart. “While I adore,” says he, “the goodness of God, as, displayed in man’s redemption, let. me. consider my own meanness and unworthiness; and while I receive the symbols of a crucified Saviour, let me consider how, often I have crucified the son of God afresh, and put him to open shame. Often has he been wounded in the house of his friends. Should God be strict to mark iniquity, I cannot answer. His mercy is the ground of my hope—Christ hath begotten us to a lively hope. He is the author both of life and hope to the penitent believer. The brightness and strength of this hope is observed by the imperfection of my faith and obedience. Under a sense of my transgression let me now bow before the Lord, and: with an humble, penitent soul, seek his face and favour, that the elements now before me, may be made effectual to the end of their appointment.” In fact, the whole of this address is very well written; and when read in a proper frame. of mind, cannot fail of having very beneficial effects, It cannot fail “to wake the soul” and “mend the heart,” while. it will enlarge our knowledge of the meaning of that sacred: ordinance, the Lord’s Supper.

We now will close this. article with one or two remarks.— Although we do not wish to impress our readers with an idea that Dr. Hitchcock had no faults or weaknesses of character; on the contrary, we are willing to allow, that like other men, he had frailties—no one is perfect—but from the best information, derived from those who knew him. perfectly, we are warranted in saying he had no particular weakness, unless the desire he had to be considered an author, might be one. He published some books which did not meet with much success in this country, although they were handsomely spoken of by European. reviewers: but we will not praise or condemn them; we merely state. the fact as it is, as we are bound to do, in giving a faithful outline of his character. We shall only remark, that if he had faults, they are lost in the blaze of his excellencies—they are mere trifling spots, which cannot, which ought not a moment to obscure the brightness of his reputation.
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1 Yes, the princely soul of our beloved Washington has taken its flight! he is no longer disturbed by the concussions of our jarring elements. The Heavens opened wide their huge portals to receive his pure and ennobled spirit; angels hail him welcome to his native seat; the immense temple of God becomes the place of his residence forever. He has ceased from his labours, but his virtues will long live. The inscription on the lofty marble will for a long time inform the inquisitive traveller—Here lies the venerable chief—“first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen.” ‘The monumental inscription shall mouldering time efface; but his heroick and benevolent deeds are recorded on the tablet of the heart—while man lives, they will live—so long as virtue has a name, they will be admired; yea, his justly acquired fame shall survive the wreck of nature, and wreaths of glory crown his head when time shall be no more.
(Dr. Hitchcock's funeral discourse on the death of Washington.)

2 Our readers will pardon us if we embrace this opportunity to render to the town of Providence a tribute which is justly their due. Notwithstanding the act of the Legislature, entitled “An act to establish free schools,” the only publick act we believe ever passed in this State for the encouragement of education, was repealed, still the town of Providence, in their corporate capacity, governed by a policy which does honour to the hearts and to the wisdom of its citizens, would not relinquish the motives and the provisions of the act. And they still continue to pay, out of their own treasury, about four thousand dollars annually, for the support of free schools. Such conduct as this we deem worthy of the highest praise, as it is of the greatest reward: and we have no doubt the town of Providence will reap a just compensation, in the superiour value and worth of its citizens, which such policy cannot fail to promote. Such conduct as this we deem worthy of imitation, and we hope the virtuous and patriotick throughout our little State will follow the example.

SOURCE: “A Sketch of the Life and Character of the Late Rev. ENOS HITCHCOCK, D. D. Pastor of the First Congregational Church in Providence,” The Rhode Island Literary Repository, Vol. 1, No. 6, September 1814, pp. 283-92

Wednesday, June 24, 2026

Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1, 1776

No. I. Minutes of a Journal by ISAAC BANGS; begun April 1, 1776.

HAVING been in the Service of the united Colonies as a Lieut in Capt. Benjamin Godfrey's Company in Coln Carys Regiment of Militia for about 2 months, in which many glorious Achievements were performed and great Glory added to the Arms of the Americans by the Expulsion of the Ministerial Army from their Strong Holds in Boston, in which, according to my Station, I did my proportion of the fatigueing Duty which was requisite to perform the Manœuver which has brought an eternal shame and Disgrace upon the British Arms, I was fired with an ardent Zeal to be farther instrumental in the glorious Cause in which America is now engaged. With this View I entered Coln John Bailey's Regiment as a Lieut to Capt Jacob Allen. In some future Time it may perhaps afford Pleasure to recollect past Toils; and being sensible of the Treachery of my Memory in recollecting past Events, I think it advisable to keep a few Minutes to assist a bad Memory (made worse by the Combustion of an Army) in bringing to Mind past Events. But before I enter upon this I must give a short detail of the Inducements that first brought me to the Army, & of some of the material Events and Circumstances which happened during my continuance in Coln Cary's Regiment. The Ministerial Army had for a long time (Viz., ever since the Battle of Lexington, on the 19th of April, 1775) been invested by the American Army, which kept them closely confined to their Quarters in Boston, during which Time many and Various Manœuvers were practised on both sides to annoy their Enemies, the Circumstances of which it is not my Design to relate.

In the begins of January, 1775, it was thought best, if possible, to drive them from their Fortresses; & as the Lines of our Army were from necessity of a vast extent, & as it was of infinite Importance that each part should be well maintained, General Washington thought the American Army not sufficient to maintain the Lines, and at the same time to act offensively upon the Enemy. He applied to the Colonies of New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Massachusetts Bay for a part of the Militia of each Province. The Proportion required & voted by the Assembly of this Province was 4,368 Men. Among these I inlisted about 30 of Jan.; and according to the Inlisting Orders we proceeded to chuse our Officers, and proceeded to Head Quarters. The Men which constituted our Company were chiefly from the Town of Chatham, — a very civil Set of People, with whom I lived very Quietly. On our arrival at Roxbury we found (by the Negligence of the Barrack Master) that no Barracks were provided for the Melitia. Our Company turned in at Roxbury Street for about 4 days, in old Houses & Cellars; but as we could no longer stand it thus Barracked, & finding no Confidence could be put in their Promises for better Barracks, we made complaint to our Colonels, and were by the Quarter Master provided for in Houses in Dorchester, about 4 Miles Distance, where we continued 9 Days; during which Time great Preparations were making for some new Enterprize, such as Fashienes, Gaboreenes, Barracks ready Framed, & boards cut. All immagined that Dorchester Hill was the Object of our Attention. This Hill is Situate South from Boston about a Mile & an Half, and by Nature seemed formed for the Command of Boston; & not only so, but it commanded a place called Nook Point, about Half way from that place to Boston, — a most convenient place for either Bombarding or Cannonading the Town of Boston. Our Enemies had been long determined to take possession of these Places, as they not only prevent our taking them, but would also be an advantageous Scituation for a Part of their Army. The deep Frost prevented our proceeding till the Evening of the 4 of March, when about 21 Hundred men from Genls Spencer's & Thomas Brigades (which were both stationed at Roxbury), all things being prepared & previously conveyed to the Causeway that leads to the Neck on which the Hill stands, proceeded at about 8 o'clock in the Evening to work upon the Hills, and were relieved at 3 the next Morning by the rest part of our two Brigades, consisting of about 25 Hundred, besides 500 Rifle Men from Cambridge & Roxbury. But here I must not leave unnoticed a grand piece of Generalship which preceded our going upon the Hills. On the Evening of the 2 of March the General (knowing all things were nearly prepared for the Work) gave Orders for begining a Cannonading & Bombardment of the Town, in order to divert the Enemy that they need not be mistrustfull of our Scheeme, as they would possibly if they had notice of our proceedings either annoy us while working with their Cannon or perhaps might come out with their Army before the Work was finished. The Cannonading & Bombarding began from Prospect Hill about 12 o'clock in the Night of the 2 of March, as also from Leechmore's Point, from the Fortress on Cobble Hill, & from the Lines at Roxbury; the enemy Returned the Compliment to the Former Places, but as they had previously removed their Cannon (as we afterwards immagin'd) from their Lines on the Neck, they were not so Complaisant to us at Roxbury. I must also here observe that the day before this the General ordered all the Forces that for conveniency were stationed back to be removed down to the Lines as nigh as possible, and that in consequence of this our Company was that day removed and Barracked in one of the Out Houses of what is called the Hutchinson House, near the Line that separateth Roxbury from Dorchester. A Room was provided for the Officers near by, and we thaught ourselves happy in being so well provided for in such a Croud of both officers and men. In the Eveng of the 3d the rout began again, and we at Roxbury found that they were not so neglectfull of us as on the night before.

In the Evening of the 4th, as I before mentioned, our Men went upon the Hill to work, upon which a more Furious Fire was began than ever, and returned by the Enemy with eaqual Vigour, chiefly upon Roxbury, not mistrusting our People upon the Hill, though it was a very Light Moonshine Evening. 23 Men from our Company went this Evening, and I had a warrant to parrade at 3 in the Morning to go with the Relief. Being anxious to see the Proceedings on both sides, I went to a small Battery of ours a little out of the Direction of their Shot and Bombs, where I tarried about two Hours, & thaught myself Safe; for as the aforesaid Battery was made no use of by us they took no Notice of it, but it being something nigh the Range of our Right Hand Fort, their Shot which were aimed at that fort passed about 200 yards to the Westward of me, here I could see 4 & sometimes 5 of their Boms flying in the Air at a Time, aimed at the Right Hand Fort that they fell about 1/8 of a Mile distance. At Length a Shot which fell near the Fort by its fall took a different direction and came immediately where I was standing; it hopped after its first Falling about 4 times, & if it had hoped again before it broke, as its Velocity was diminishing, it would have come, as near as I can judge, to the very Spot where I was; it broke about 25 Yard Distance, and one of the Pieces came with great rapidity about 2 Yards above my Head. The Fire still continued; but at about 3, when the Relieves of every Regiment to parade, God so ordered it that their Fire was a little abated, or in all probability they must have killed more of us, — one Lieut. Mayo being the only Man hurt; he had his thigh Shot off, of which he died the next Day. Upon our arrival upon the Hills (for we took possession of 2 by building Forts), I was prodigiously surprised to find the Vast works that had been carried on in so little Time. We relieved them, and they got off without being discovered by the Enemy, which was no small Favour both in our coming on & their going off, as the Causeway over which we had to pass was greatly exposed to their Fire from their Works on the Neck. When the Enemy discovered us in ye Morning they ceased firing upon Roxbury, and must be much shagriened to find they had fired so intently upon Roxbury when the Men were as they thought mostly on the Hills.

We expected a Salute immediately from their Ships in the Harbour as also from their Works, and they must have greatly annoyed us had they fired when our Forts were thus weak, being then little besides Fashiens about 6 Feet thick. However this was not their disign. They fired a few Shot upon us as we were seting the Fatigue Partys, and brok 6 or 8 small arms in our Rigiment; but as their Balls struck chiefly before they reached us, we could avoid them. The Enemy Imbarqued on Board Transports about 11 o'clock, and were to have landed (as we after found) upon the Point under cover of the Shiping & of the Castle the next Night; why they had not done it that Day, if ever they intended it, God only knows. For my part, I should have been willing to have receivd them either by night or Day, as we had a tolerable cover from Musquetry, and as to their Field Pieces they could not have brought them to bear because of the Sciatuation of the ground. Had they been so rash they would in all probability have found the 5th of March, 1776, more Bloody on their Side than Preston made the same Day in 17701 on ours. In fine, I cant think it was ever their design more than to make a Parade. But they have a good excuse, for about 11 at night the most violent Storm of Wind & Rain mixed with Snow & Hail arose that ever I was exposed to. Having nothing to cover us excepting Apple Trees, wee stood it out till about 5 in the Morning, when wee were relievd. What I suffered this night I shall ever bear in mind, therefore need not here mention it. Had the enemy have been so foolish as to have attacked us upon the Hills, our People to the amount of about 5,000 Men stood by their Boats at Cambridge and were to have made a descent upon Boston, which they must have easily carried, as I since learn that Genl How at the Head of the Remainder of his Troops was to have made an attack upon our Lines at Roxbury. Had this been the Case, what a woefull Scituation must he have been in, even if he had forced the Lines with our Forces on each Side!

When the Forts were a little finished our People began to make preparations for Nooke Point, before mentioned, by carting Fashienes, &c., in the Face of the Day as nigh the Place as the Scituation would allow (there being a Mire betweene that & the Forts). This place is about Mile distant from the Centre of the Town, and as convenient a place as could even have been wished for from which to through Bombs to the Town. The Enemy, discovring our Motions by this imprudent Step, concluded that we should be at work that Night, therefore the[y] began a most Heavy Fire from the Shipping in the Harbour, from several of the Wharves, & from several Batteries; such a Firing was never before heard in New England. They killd 4 Men with one Ball, which was all the Dammage they did us; and the next morning we picked up 700 Balls that they had fired upon us. The next night being the 17th of March, all things being in Readiness, we erected a small Breast Work on the aforesaid Point without being discoverd by the Enemy till Day Light next Morning, when they began a most severe canonading from their Works upon the Neck; but being unable to affect any thing to our Damage, they made a Most precipitate retreat, leaving the chief of the Effects of the Inhabitants unhurt, tho they Dammaged many Houses and much furniture. They left behind them three excellent Mortars, many Bombs, and about 200 Cannon, the most of which were heavy Pieces all spiked up, and about 100 of them having their Trunnions broke of. Thus was the British Army routed from a Fortress which they were sufferred peaceably to build, of the Strength of which they used to make such boastings; and also from the Bunker Hill, which cost them at least the Lives of 1,800 Men, besides the vast Labour & Expense they had bestowed to erect & defend it.

Immediately upon their Retreat we entered the Town with part of the Forces from Roxbury by Land & some considerable Force from Cambridge by Water. We found the Works upon the Neck entire, the Cannon spiked up & the Shells chiefly split, & many of the Cannon Carriages cut to pieces. These Lines upon the Neck were handsomely built & so amazingly strong that it would have been impracticable for us to have forced them. The other Works were not so well constructed as I immagined wee should have found them; especially at the Bottom of the Common & on Beacon Hill they appeared to be ill constructed & design'd for little but to frighten us. The Enemy embarqued in boats & joined the Fleet, which had chiefly quited the Harbour, & fell down to Nantascet from our first building upon the Hills, some few of the Men of War & Transports for the Tories only excepted, who remained to cover the Town. The Admiral finding we had built upon Nook Point & another small Hill, both of which were advantageously scituated to rake the Harbour, thought he could with no degree of Safety tarry any longer ; wherefore he sent to General Howe acquainting him that he was about to quit the Harbour. This, it is said, hastened the General's Retreat, or he would probably have taken his artilery with him. They left no Powder behind them, but we could plainly see where they burnt vast Quantities of that valuable article; could they have affected the Destruction of their Artilery with as much dispatch, no doubt they would have done it. Quere, Whether it would not be wisdom in the Parliament of England to offer a large Premium to the Person that shall contrive a method to annihilate Cannon, Mortars, Bombs, &c., in a Short space of Time; otherwise the Rebels will soon furnish themselves with a Stock of these articles without being put to the Trouble of making them Themselves.

The Inhabitants that were friendly to America still continued in Boston, except Mr. James Lovell, whom they carried of with their other Prisoners. He bore his Fate, & attended the Summons that called him as a Prisoner to quit his native Land & all that was dear to him with that Courage & Resignation which only attend the Virtuous, Wise, & Brave.
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1 The Boston Massacre.

SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, pp. 7-14

Tuesday, June 23, 2026

Diary of Anna Rawle, October 22, 1781

Second day. The first thing I heard this morning was that Lord Cornwallis had surrendered to the French and Americans—intelligence as surprizing as vexatious. People who are so stupidly regardless of their own interests are undeserving of compassion, but one cannot help lamenting that the fate of so many worthy persons should be connected with the failure or success of the British army. Uncle Howell1 came in soon after breakfast, and tho' he is neither Whig nor Tory, looked as if he had sat up all night; he was glad to see all here so cheerful, he said. When he was gone Ben Shoemaker2 arrived; he was told it as he came along, and was astonished. However, as there is no letter from Washington, we flatter ourselves that it is not true.
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1 Joshua Howell, who had married Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker's sister Catharine, daughter of Edward and Anna (Coleman) Warner.

2 Benjamin Shoemaker, son of Samuel Shoemaker by his first wife Hannah, daughter of Samuel Carpenter the second, by his wife Hannah, daughter of Samuel Preston. Benjamin Shoemaker married Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker's sister, Elizabeth Warner.

SOURCE: “A Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 104

Monday, June 22, 2026

Journal of Sally Wister, September 24, 1777

TO DEBORAH NORRIS1:

Tho' I have not the least shadow of an opportunity to send a letter, if I do write, I will keep a sort of journal of the time that may expire before I see thee: the perusal of it may some time hence give pleasure in a solitary hour to thee and our Sally Jones.2

Yesterday, which was the 24th of September, two Virginia officers call'd at our house, and inform'd us that the British Army had cross'd the Schuylkill. Presently after, another person stopp'd, and confirm'd what they had said, and that Gen'l Washington and Army were near Pottsgrove.3 Well, thee may be sure we were sufficiently scared; however, the road was very still till evening.

About seven o'clock we heard a great noise. To the door we all went. A large number of waggons, with about three hundred of the Philadelphia Militia. They begged for drink, and several push'd into the house. One of those that entered was a little tipsy, and had mind to be saucy.

I then thought it time for me to retreat; so figure me (mightily scar'd, as not having presence of mind enough to face so many of the Military), running in at one door, and out another, all in a shake with fear; but after a while, seeing the officers appear gentlemanly, and the soldiers civil, I call'd reason to my aid. My fears were in some measure dispell'd, tho' my teeth rattled, and my hand shook like an aspen leaf. They did not offer to take their quarters with us; so, with many blessings, and as many adieus, they marched off.

I have given thee the most material occurrences of yesterday faithfully.
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1 For sketch of Deborah Norris see p. 114.

2 Doubtless this was Sally Wister's aunt, Sarah Jones, born May 30, 1760, who married Samuel Rutter. The aunt was only one year older than the niece.

3 The Battle of Brandywine had occurred September 11th, and the surprise and massacre at Paoli on the night of the 20th. Howe crossed at Gordon's Ford (now Phenixville), and Fatland Ford, on September 23d, to the east side of the Schuylkill, and thence moved down to Philadelphia. Washington was at Pottsgrove for several days, and then moved over to the Perkiomen. — H. M. Jenkins.

SOURCE: Albert Cook Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 65-7

Journal of Sally Wister, September 25, 1777*

This day, till twelve o'clock, the road was mighty quiet, when Hobson Jones came riding along. About that time he made a stop at our door, and said the British were at Skippack road; that we should soon see their light horse, and [that] a party of Hessians had actually turn'd into our lane. My Dadda and Mamma gave it the credit it deserv'd, for he does not keep strictly to the truth in all respects; but the delicate, chicken-hearted Liddy1 and I were wretchedly scar'd. We cou'd say nothing but "Oh! what shall we do? What will become of us?" These questions only augmented the terror we were in.

Well, the fright went off. We saw no light horse or Hessians. O. Foulke2 came here in the evening, and told us that Gen'l Washington had come down as far as the Trappe, and that Gen'l McDougle's brigade was stationed at Montgomery, consisting of about 16 hundred men. This he had from Dr. Edwards,3 aid-de-camp; so we expected to be in the midst of one army or t'other.

Fourth Day Night.
We were not alarm'd.
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* This date, presuming the day of the week to be accurately given, should be the 24th, and it may be here observed that the dates of the month are not for some time correctly given in the Journal, being a while one day ahead, and then two days, until December 5th, when they become correct. — H. M. J.

1 LYDIA FOULKE, daughter of William and Hannah, born April 9, 1756. She afterward married John Spencer, born 1756, died 1799, son of Jacob and Hannah, of Moreland. — Н. М. Ј.

2 OWEN FOULKE, son of Caleb and Jane (Jones) Foulke, was born in Philadelphia, June 27th, 1763, died at Gwynedd, August 30, 1808. He was afterwards a partner with his father in business in Philadelphia, and in 1798 was a member of the First City Troop. In the late years of his life he practiced law at Sunbury, Pa. He was Sally's first cousin, their mothers being sisters. — H. M. J.

3 DR. ENOCH EDWARDS, brother of Major Evan Edwards, was born in Byberry, Philadelphia County, in 1750. He became an Ensign of the Pennsylvania Flying Camp, in 1776. He was a Justice of the Peace and a practicing physician in Byberry until 1792, when he sold his property there and moved to Frankford. In 1791 he was commissioned an Associate Judge of the Court of Common Pleas of Philadelphia. He died April 25, 1802. "Penna. in Rev.," III., 558; Phila. Amer. Daily Ad., Apr. 27, 1802; "Hist. Moreland"; Martin's "Bench and Bar."

SOURCE: Albert Cook Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 67-70