Oration of James Lovell, Α. Μ., Delivered at Boston, April 2, 1771.

Omnes homines naturá Libertati student, et CONDITIONEM ser vitutis oderunt.

 

CÆS.

 

-Nunc ea petit, quæ dare nullo modo possumus, nisi priùs volumes nos bello victos confiteri.

CIC.

YOUR design in the appointment of this ceremony, my friends and fellow townsmen, cannot fail to be examined in quite different lights at this season of political dissension. From the principles I profess, and in the exercise of my common right to judge with others, I conclude it was decent, wise, and honourable.

The certainty of being favoured with your kindest partiality and candour, in a poor attempt to execute the part to which you have invited me, has overcome the objection of my inability to perform it in a proper manner; and I now beg the favour of your animating countenance.

The horrid bloody scene we here commemorate, whatever were the causes which concurred to bring it on that dreadful night, must lead the pious and humane, of every order, to some suitable reflections. The pious will adore the conduct of that BEING who is unsearchable in all his ways, and without whose knowledge not a single sparrow falls, in permitting an immortal soul to be hurried by the flying ball, the messenger of death, in the twinkling of an eye, to meet the awful Judge of all its secret actions. The humane, from having often thought, with pleasing rapture, on the endearing scenes of social life, in all its amiable relations, will lament, with heartfelt pangs, their sudden dissolution, by indiscretion, rage, and vengeance.

But let us leave that shocking close of one continued course of rancour and dispute, from the first moment that the troops arrived in town; that course will now be represented by your own reflections to much more solid, useful purpose, than by any artful language. I hope, however, that heaven has yet in store such happiness for this afflicted town and province, as will in time wear out the memory of all your former troubles.

I sincerely rejoice with you in the happy event of your steady and united effort to prevent a second tragedy.

Our fathers left their native land, risked all the dangers of the sea, and came to this then savage desert, with that true undaunted courage which is excited by a confidence in God. They came that they might here enjoy themselves, and leave to their posterity the best of earthly portions, full English liberty. You showed upon the alarming cause for trial, that their brave spirit still exists in vigour, though their legacy of right is much impaired. The sympathy and active friendship of some neighbouring towns, upon that sad occasion, commands the highest gratitude of this.

We have seen and felt the ill effects of placing standing forces in the midst of populous communities; but those are only what individuals suffer. Your vote directs me to point out the fatal tendency of placing such an order in free cities-fatal indeed! Athens once was free; a citizen, a favourite of the people, by an artful story, gained a trifling guard of fifty men; ambition taught him ways to enlarge that number; he destroyed the commonwealth, and made himself the tyrant of the Athenians. Cæsar, by the length of his command in Gaul, got the affections of his army, marched to Rome, overthrew the state, and made himself perpetual dictator. By the same instruments, many less republics have been made to fall a prey to the devouring jaws of tyrants. But this is a subject which should never be disguised with figures; it chooses the plain style of dissertation.

The true strength and safety of every commonwealth or limited monarchy, is the bravery of its freeholders, its militia. By brave militias they rise to grandeur, and they come to ruin by a mercenary army. This is founded on historical facts, and the same causes will, in similar circumstances, for ever produce the same effects. Justice Blackstone, in his inimitably clear commentaries, tells us, that "it is extremely dangerous in a land of liberty, to make a distinct order of the profession of arms; that such an order is an object of jealousy; and that the laws and constitution of England are strangers to it." One article of the Bill of Rights is, that the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in a time of peace, unless it be with consent of parliament, is against law. The present army, therefore, though called the peace establishment, is kept up by one act, and governed by another; both of which expire annually. This circumstance is valued as a sufficient check upon the army. A less body of troops than is now maintained, has, on a time, destroyed a king, and fought under a parliament with great success and glory; but, upon a motion to disband them, they turned their masters out of doors, and fixed others in their stead. Such wild things are not again to happen, because the parliament have power to stop payment once a year: But arma tenenti quis neget? which may be easily interpreted, "who will bind Sampson with his locks on?"¹

The bill which regulates the army, the same fine author I have mentioned, says, is, in many respects, hastily penned, and reduces the soldier to a state of slavery, in the midst of a free nation. This is impolitic; for slaves envy the freedom of others, and take a malicious pleasure in contributing to destroy it."

By this scandalous bill a justice of peace is empowered to grant, without a previous oath from the military officer, a warrant to break open any (freeman's) house, upon pretence of searching for deserters.

I must not omit to mention one more bad tendency; it is this, a standing force leads to a total neglect of militias, or tends greatly to discourage them.

You see the danger of a standing army to the cause of freedom. If the British parliament consents from year to year to be exposed, it doubtless has good reasons. But when did our assembly pass an act to hazard all the property, the liberty and lives of their constituents? What check have we upon a British army? can we disband it? can we stop its pay?

Our own assemblies in America can raise an army; and our monarch, George the 3d, by our constitution, takes immediate command. This army can consent to leave their native provinces. Will the royal chief commander send them to find barracks at Brunswick, or Lunenburg, at Hanover, or the commodious hall of Westminster? suppose the last; suppose this army was informed, nay thought the parliament in actual rebellion, or only on the eve of one, against the king, or against those who paid and clothed them; for there it pinches:—we are rebels against parliament; we adore the king. Where, in the case I have stated, would be the value of the boasted English constitution?

Who are a free people? not those who do not suffer actual oppression; but those who have a constitutional check upon the power to oppress.

We are slaves or freemen: if, as we are called, the last, where is our check upon the following powers, France, Spain, the States of Holland, or the British parliaments? now if any one of these (and it is quite immaterial which) has a right to make the two acts in question operate within this province, they have a right to give us up to an unlimited army, under the sole direction of one Saracen commander.

Thus I have led your thoughts to that upon which I formed my conclusion, that the design of this ceremony was decent, wise, and honourable. Make the bloody 5th of March the era of the resurrection of your birthrights, which have been murdered by the very strength that nursed them in their infancy. I had an eye solely to parliamentary supremacy; and I hope you will think every other view beneath your notice, in our present most alarming situation.

Chatham, Camden, and others, gods among men, and the farmer, whom you have addressed as the friend of mankind; all these have owned that England has a right to exercise every power over us, but that of taking money out of our pockets, without our consent.² Though it seems almost too bold therefore in us to say " we doubt in every single instance her legal right over this province,"³ yet we must assert it. Those I have named are mighty characters, but they wanted one advantage Providence has given us. The beam is carried off

from our eyes, by the flowing blood of our fellow citizens, and now we may be allowed to attempt to remove the mote from the eyes of our exalted patrons. That mote, we think, is nothing but our obligation to England first, and afterwards Great Briain, for constant kind protection of our lives and birthrights against foreign danger. We all acknowledge that protection.

Let us once more look into the early history of this province. We find that our English ancestors, disgusted in their native country at a Legislation, which they saw was sacrificing all their rights, left its jurisdiction,⁴ and sought, like wandering birds of passage, some happier climate. Here at length they settled down. The king of England was said to be the royal⁵ landlord of this territory; with him they entered into mutual, sacred compact, by which the price of tenure, and the rules of management, were fairly stated. It is in this compact that we find our only true legislative authority.

I might here enlarge upon the character of those first settlers, men of whom the world was little worthy; who, for a long course of years, assisted by no earthly power, defended their liberty, their religion, and their lives, against the greatest inland danger of the savage natives; but this falls not within my present purpose. They were secure by sea.

In our infancy, when not an over tempting jewel for the Bourbon crown, the very name of England saved us; afterwards her fleets and armies. We wish not to depreciate the worth of that protection. Of our gold, yea, of our most fine gold, we will freely give a part. Our fathers would have done the same. But must we fall down and cry "let not a stranger rob and kill me, O my father! let me rather die by the hand of my brother, and let him ravish all my portion!"⁶

It is said that disunited from Britain, “we should bleed at every vein." I cannot see the consequence. The states of Holland do not suffer thus. But grant it true, Seneca, would prefer the launcets of France, Spain, or any other power, to the bow string, though applied by the fair hand of Britannia.

The declarative vote of the British parliament is the death warrant of our birthrights, and wants only a Czarish king to put it into execution. Here then a door of salvation is open. Great Britain may raise her fleets and armies, but it is only our own king that can direct their fire down upon our heads. He is gracious, but not omniscient. He is ready to hear our appeals in their proper course; and knowing himself, though the most powerful prince on earth, yet, a subject under a divine constitution of law; that law he will ask and receive from the twelve judges of England. These will prove that the claim of the British parliament over us is not only illegal in itself, but a downright usurpation of his prerogative as king of America.

A brave nation is always generous. Let us appeal, therefore, at the same time, to the generosity of the people of Great Britain, before the tribunal⁷ of Europe, not to envy us the full enjoyment of the rights of brethren.

And now, my friends and fellow townsmen, having declared myself an American son of liberty of true charter principles; having shewn the critical and dangerous situation of our birthrights, and the true course for speedy redress; I shall take the freedom to recommend, with boldness, one previous step. Let us show we understand the true value of what we are claiming.

The patriotic farmer tells us, "the cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult. Anger produces anger; and differences, that might be accommodated by kind and respectful behaviour, may, by imprudence, be enlarged to an incurable rage. In quarrels, risen to a certain height, the first cause of dissension is no longer remembered, the minds of the parties being wholly engaged in recollecting and resenting the mutual expressions of their dislike. When feuds have reached that fatal point, considerations of reason and equity vanish; and a blind fury governs, or rather confounds all things. A people no longer regard their interest, but a gratification of their wrath."

We know ourselves subjects of common law; to that and the worthy executors of it, let us pay a steady and conscientious regard. Past errors in this point have been written with gall, by the pen of malice. May our future conduct be such as to make even that vile imp lay her pen aside.

The right which imposes duties upon us, is in dispute; but whether they are managed by a Surveyor-General, a Board of Commissioners, Turkish Janizaries, or Russian Cossacks, let them enjoy during our time of fair trial, the common personal protection of the laws of our constitution. Let us shut our eyes, for the present, to their being executors of claims subversive of our rights.

Watchful, hawk eyed jealousy, ever guards the portal of the temple of the goddess Liberty. This is known to those who frequent her altars. Our whole conduct therefore, I am sure, will meet with the utmost candour of her votaries; but I am wishing we may be able to convert even her basest apostates.

We are slaves until we obtain such redress, through the justice of our king, as our happy constitution leads us to expect. In that condition, let us behave with the propriety and dignity of freemen; and thus exhibit to the world, a new character of a people, which no history describes.

May the all wise and beneficient ruler of the universe preserve our lives and health, and prosper all our lawful endeavours in the glorious cause of freedom.

_______________

¹ Trenchard.

² Taxation and representation are inseparable.

Chath. Camd. From what in our constitution is representation not inseparable! —multa a Crasso divinitùs dicta efferebantur, cùm sibi illum consulem esse negaret cui senator ipse non esset.

Cic.

³ I confine myself to this province, partly from ignorance of other charters; but more from a desire even to vex some abler pen to pursue the idea of check; which an unchartered freeman may do, as well as any other in America.

⁴ Hæc sunt enim fundamenta firmissima nostræ libertatis, sui quemque juris et retinendi et dimittendi esse dominum.

Cic.

⁵ I choose to bury a fruitful subject for any satyrical genius of the family of Penn.

⁶ —ita vitam corpusque servato, ita fortunas, ita rem familiarem, ut hæc posteriora libertati ducas-nec pro his libertatem sed pro libertati hæc projicias, tanquam pignora injuriæ.

⁷ I do not think the quo warranto against our first charter, was tried in a proper court.

SOURCE: William T. Clap, Publisher, Orations Delivered at the Request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston to Commemorate the Evening of the Fifth of March, 1770; When a Number of Citizens were Killed by a Party of British Troops, Quartered Among Them, In a Time of Peace, Second Edition, pp. 3-11

A sketch of the life and character of the late Rev. ENOS HITCHCOCK, D. D. Pastor of the first Congregational Church in Providence.

THE life of a christian minister, spent in labour, for the eternal welfare of his fellow-beings, must always be an object of the greatest veneration and love to every Christian community. The life of such a man, a christian people will always wish to become acquainted with; for such a life will not only strengthen the affection of the good and virtuous, to the great Redeemer of mankind, and their resolution to adhere to the precepts of his gospel; but it will have some tendency to promote a reformation among the sinful and unbelieving.

A true christian will never rest satisfied with his own belief in the truth of the gospel; neither will he be satisfied with well wishing its dissemination: he will himself labour in the vineyard; he will “plough in hope,” although the harvest of his labours may be cut short; he will use always his best exertions to make the ignorant and prejudiced mind accessible to divine truth, both by precept and example.

The minister of the gospel of Christ, who sincerely labours in his calling, is also an object of the greatest respect. Whatever we may think of that statesman, who, by the labours of his closet is able to set a continent in arms, or of that philosophy which throws open the mysteries of the natural world; or of those splendid achievements which adorn a warrior’s name; how trifling and insignificant, how like the “stuff dreams are made of,” do they all appear, in comparison with the soldier of Christ, who conquers the world; who having “ buckled on the armour of God,” follows the “great Captain of our salvation” to the conquest of the “world, the flesh, and the Devil.” There is, in fact, something so soul captivating in the christian warfare, that we must indeed be “trumpet-tongued” before we can speak its praise. There is also such a dignity of character in the christian soldier, as well as meekness and gentleness, that if respect did not always accompany sincere affection, we could hardly determine whether we respected or loved him most.

These few desultory remarks were suggested by reflecting on the ministry of the late Rev. Doctor Hitchcock, a short account of whose life we now present to our readers. We however do not affirm, that Doctor Hitchcock ought to be ranked among the greatest divines: he was probably not so great as he was good. His doctrines however were truly evangelical. He believed that Jesus Christ was the way, and the only way to eternal salvation. His sermons were usually calculated to persuade and convince, rather than terrify or command. He preached the unbounded mercy and goodness of God oftener perhaps, than the terrour of divine wrath and justice; although he always made the sinner acquainted with his real situation; what he had to do and believe, before he could expect that goodness and mercy. That God would administer justice, he sincerely believed—but he believed he would administer it in tender mercy. He always looked up to God as a merciful father, who could not take pleasure in the death of the wicked: still he believed that justice must be done, and that the vicarious sufferings of our Saviour satisfied that justice; not however universally, but with respect to those who were willing to take his “yoke upon them.”

His sermons also usually contained sound moral precepts.— He was convinced that sound morality was essentially requisite in every well regulated community; that in fact the civil order of things depended, in great measure, upon it. And although it was not in itself sufficient to “see God,” it greatly aided and prepared the way for the dissemination of gospel truth. “He was convinced, in fact, that it not only strengthened the social compact, and rendered mankind more willing to obey the new commandment of our Saviour, to “love one another,” but that it also prepared the mind for the reception of evangelical knowledge, and the heart, with the assistance of “preventing grace,” for that new birth, which our Saviour said to a ruler of the Jews, was necessary, to “see the kingdom of God.” Perhaps he more forcibly felt the necessity of morality from the circumstance of his having been a chaplain in the American army; where from the nature of his situation, he must have witnessed depravity of the most odious character: where in fact morality was the only thing he could hope to inculcate with any degree of success.— The din of war, the loud yelling cries of blood and battle, are too incompatible with the mild and gentle accents of the gospel; however painful the thought they cannot be heard: the dulcet notes of the “new song” are too often overpowered. If a chaplain can enforce, even with the assistance of a strict military discipline, an observance of moral rectitude, in such a place, it is all ' he can reasonably expect.

This circumstance might have been the cause, why he so forcibly inculcated morality—why he so usually blended the moralist with the divine. But whether we consider him the one or the other, we find sufficient to admire. He was as faithful a servant of Christ, as he was a sound moral teacher. He was born at Springfield, in the State of Massachusetts, of respectable parents, in the year 1744. We have no record of his early life; it is probable, however, that nothing remarkable occurred; his genius was not of that east, which would be likely to burst forth in extraordinary youthful blazes. It was left to the maturity of age to stamp his character with usefulness. His early education however was not neglected; he was fitted and entered college, and received the honours of Harvard University, in the year 1767. Soon after he graduated, he devoted himself to the study of divinity; this however was no new study, although his views. were now directed thereto, with more particular reference to entering on the gospel ministry; in which, his course afterwards was continually progressing and luminous, and in the course of two or three years, became a preacher of the gospel. “His performances, while a candidate, met with general acceptance, and in 1771 he was ordained a colleague with the venerable and excellent Mr. Chipman, Pastor of the second church in Beverly, whose age and infirmities incapacitated him from publick services. While his life continued, the two Pastors lived together in great mutual affection and harmony. Dr. Hitchcock exerted himself for the spiritual and temporal interests of his people, enjoyed their affectionate esteem, and acquired the approbation and friendship of neighbouring societies and ministers.”

It was during his ministry in Beverly, that he married Miss ACHSAH JOURDAN, of Portland, in the District of Maine, a lady of unaffected piety, whose mind was accomplished, and whose heart was affectionately disposed. With such a wife he lived in the full enjoyment of connubial happiness. Mrs. Hitchcock was a member of the church under his pastoral care—and she lived in holy communion with her spiritual master, which she evinced by the purity of her life, and a steady adherence to the outward institutions of the visible church on earth. She died on the fifth day of May, A. D. 1801, lamented by all who had enjoyed the happiness of her acquaintance.

Early in our national revolution, Dr. Hitchcock became a chaplain in the army. He was induced to this, from a sense of duty he believed he owed his country. He probably revolved the whole contest between the mother country and her colonies in his own mind, before he engaged. He probably viewed it, as it really was, a contest for dominion on the one side, and self-defence on the other. He considered the pretensions of Great Britain unwarrantable; totally inconsistent with our established rights; and that, had we submitted, instead of being British subjects, we should have been British slaves—slaves to a British ministerial faction, who made encroachments on our rights, not so much from the hope of gain, or of adding strength to the British empire, as from the pride of dominion. Had the faction permitted us to have been British subjects in reality—to have enjoyed all the privileges of British subjects, the probability is we should have owed them allegiance much longer: but being the sons of Sydney, Russell and Hampden, we could not, we would not be slaves. As our warm and powerful advocate, the Hon. Edmund Burk observed, “we were a high minded people, who snuff at the approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze.”— Such was our character, and such was the character of the faction which wished to triumph over us; and being viewed as such, Dr. Hitchcock felt himself impelled by a principle of duty to uphold his native country, in the struggle. Whatever, as a christian, he might have thought of war in general, a war of self-defence was a righteous war; a war warranted by the first law of nature.

While he was chaplain in the army, “his social qualities and engaging deportment made him highly acceptable; while his nice regard to decorum and dignity of character commanded respect and added weight to his efforts on the side of order and virtue, of patriotick bravery, zeal and perseverance.” But if any proof was wanting of the estimation in which he was held in the army, the marked attentions, which the father of our country shewed him might be adduced. With Washington he was not only personally acquainted, but on intimate terms of friendship. That great and illustrious chief, at the mention of whose name every eye sparkles with rapture, respected and loved him; often invited him to his quarters, when leisure from the “tented field” allowed him to listen to the accents of friendship and religion—and when that immortal hero slept with his fathers, the impression which that event made upon his mind was deep indeed: but being accustomed to practice as well as to teach the precepts of his divine master, he was enabled to say—“father; not mine, but thy mill be done.”

His funeral discourse on the death of his friend, abundantly shews in what light he viewed him, and what were his feelings—notwithstanding he was compelled to exclaim in the language of his text on that occasion¹—“The beauty of Israel is slain upon thy high places. How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished”—and mourn, “incessantly mourn,” as Israel did, the death of Moses; notwithstanding, in this instance, he felt the peculiar effect of the awful sentence of “dust to dust,” still he was enabled to say, “the Lord gave, the Lord taketh away, blessed be the name of the Lord.” But besides a duty of resignation, his discourse, on that event, finely illustrates the publick and private character of Washington. It is also replete with instruction, both on moral and political subjects. It shows the necessity of civil institutions; the necessity of restraints from civil law, as well as the duty of civil obedience ; all which are forcibly inculcated; while a vein of unaffected piety runs throughout the whole.

While he was chaplain, his duty compelled him to relinquish the pastoral charge of his people at Beverly. Accordingly he was amicably dismissed from that people in the year 1780.— Soon after that event, he occasionally preached in Providence, when he had leisure from the duty of the camp. The first congregational church and society, in this place, were so much charmed with his preaching, so much delighted with his doctrines, and his character as a servant of Christ, that they earnestly gave him a call to become their Pastor. His feelings told him he was sincerely called, and we hope and trust, called of God, “as was Aaron,” to the high and responsible office of priesthood. With humility he obeyed the call, accepted the office of Pastor, and was installed minister of that society on the first day of October, A. D. 1783. In this office, beloved by his flock, he continued for nearly twenty years, till the 26th day of February, A. D. 1803, when he departed this life, regretted by all, in the 59th year of his age, and expiring said “I sleep in Jesus.”

As we before observed, we do not rank him with those who possess the greatest talents; but we may with those who possess the most useful. While in the performance of his ministerial duties in this town, he not only promoted with all his power the best interests of the religion he professed, but he never let pass an opportunity of rendering unto society any other essential benefit. The education of youth, in a particular manner, occupied his attention. Impressed with the necessity of early and good education, he was always foremost in the establishment of institutions for that purpose. He was the first “who led the way” to the establishment of free schools in this State, and to procure an act to be passed the Legislature for that purpose. The wisdom of design, and the benevolent execution of this plan, will always be remembered with gratitude and love. ‘Thousands of poor and orphan children, who otherwise would have been left to the uncertainty of chance, or to the frigid support of extorted alms, even for those first rudiments, which are necessary, in the unshapen beginning, in the Aurora of the mind, must now always remember his spirited and noble exertions for its² establishment, with the most thankful hearts.

How must, also, many a useful citizen feel, when he discovers that to the exertions of this philanthropist, he owes all his importance, all his reputation in society, and all his ability to be useful to his fellow-beings. Surely his soul will cling to his memory, as humble repentance does to the remembrance of forgiving mercy.—His remembrance “being written within the book and volume of the brain,” he will not, he cannot forget him.

But the exertions Doctor Hitchcock made to establish free schools, and to promote the education of youth, constitute by no means the most valuable part of his character. Notwithstanding he was a friend to youth, he was a greater friend to manhood and old age. In the language of Dr. Tappan, who preached his funeral discourse, “he laboured with great zeal to promote brotherly union among christians, and ministers of different denominations. For this purpose he introduced and eagerly cherished stated friendly meetings—one embracing the several clergymen of this town—another, the pastors and other leading members of the various christian communions. The result of these and similar measures, was the growth of mutual esteem, and confidence of religious candour and fellowship, with all their lovely and happy effects. He was also distinguished by habitual and active benevolence. This he exemplified in his warm and steady friendship, in his generous and cheerful hospitality; in his kind and soothing offices to the sick and afflicted; in his tender and liberal donations to the needy; in large contributions to publick and pious uses. The same spirit remarkably adorned and endeared his domestick conduct. His affectionate and unceasing attention to his amiable consort, amid her long continued bodily infirmities; his paternal goodness, living and dying, to his adopted child; the benevolent patronage which he afforded to other connexions; his humane and condescending behaviour to his servants, especially to a faithful African, whom his kindness redeemed from bondage and exceedingly attached to his person and service—these facts are striking monuments of his excellent disposition.”

“His discourses from the desk,” says the same pious divine, “were chiefly occupied in explaining and urging evangelical faith and repentance, goodness and charity, and the whole train of christian virtues, as recommended by the example of our divine Master, and enforced by the gracious and sublime discoveries of his gospel. The style of his compositions was perspicuous, neat and correct.” “The closing scene of his life gave an impressive display of the force and excellence of his christian principles. It exhibited that patient resignation to the will of God; that triumph over pain and death; that comforting anticipation of future glory which the spirit and hope of the gospel are fitted to inspire.” But his exertions to promote the interests of religion may be considered the most valuable. He not only exerted himself in the pulpit, in private meetings and families, to promote the gospel, but he gave more than six thousand dollars to the first congregational church in Providence, for the support of a christian ministry. Such a noble enthusiasm in the cause of religion and virtue, must always be remembered with gratitude and joy, and we hope will have tendency to induce others to do likewise.

Very soon after his settlement in Providence, he was elected into the fellowship of Rhode-Island College, (now Brown University) and in that important office rendered very essential services to that seminary of learning. He very often suggested to the professors and tutors, useful plans for government and instruction: in fact, very few were so adequate in devising ways and means “to teach the young idea how to shoot,” or to direct the mind into the most useful channel.

His conversation in private circles was always pleasant, but never light. He had a great idea of dignity of character on all occasions; of course he never allowed his manners or conversation to be tinctured with any thing that was light or trivial.—Perhaps his invariable dignified deportment was considered by some as originating in pride, but those who best knew him, were convinced it arose from a desire of being exemplary in all his conduct. The influence of example he thought to be great, and 80 far as his example might go, he was determined it should be good.

He was a member of the society of Cincinnati; and very few, with more warmth, “espoused the fraternal, humane and publick views of their institution.” In fact, in whatever light we view him, we find much to admire, and little or nothing to condemn. We therefore hold him up to our readers, and to the world at large, as a man, though not great, yet useful—as a man whose conduct through life was governed by honest and upright principles. He published several small but useful treatises on different subjects; and one treatise in particular, entitled, “An answer to the question, why do you observe the rite commonly called the Lord’s Supper?” certainly possesses considerable merit. He forcibly sets forth the reasons for celebrating that christian ordinance—elucidates the nature of the institution, and its use and design, while he portrays the temper and character the communicant ought to possess, to render his attendance upon it, a “service acceptable to God,” or profitable to himself. He also explains the subject in such a manner as to remove the doubts and scruples which arise in many minds, “from St. Paul’s strictures on the licentious conduct of the Corinthians.” This reproof of St. Paul has undoubtedly detered many well meaning persons from coming to the table, for fear they should eat and drink unworthily, and thereby be “guilty of the body and blood of Christ;” but from his explanation, “there is nothing in the nature of this institution to excite fearful apprehensions, nor any thing in the words, the time, or circumstances of its original appointment, that can deter any person of sober life and conversation from it.” This treatise is written in very plain and simple style, adapted to the capacity of any reader. The subject is well digested, and arranged with method: and although the arguments may not be thought conclusive by some, they must, nevertheless have great weight with all: in fact, they are generally supported by texts from scripture. It is a subject, however, about which a great deal has been said and written: we therefore forbear to make any comment; we only wish to state what were his impressions. We are sensible it has been a subject about which different sects in religion have entertained widely different opinions, about which there has been much disputation. According to our regulations therefore, we must hold ourselves aloof from espousing any particular sect, or advancing any doctrine which may be considered polemical.

He also published “a serious address to communicants, with some short meditations, devotional exercises of heart, and forms of prayer, suitable for the communion season.” This short treatise also possesses merit.—It shews his own temper of mind, and the disposition of his heart, towards that God on whom he humbly relied, in all situations in life, as well as the necessary temper of all, in the communion season. But perhaps his own words would best show what that temper was, and what the disposition of his heart. “While I adore,” says he, “the goodness of God, as, displayed in man’s redemption, let. me. consider my own meanness and unworthiness; and while I receive the symbols of a crucified Saviour, let me consider how, often I have crucified the son of God afresh, and put him to open shame. Often has he been wounded in the house of his friends. Should God be strict to mark iniquity, I cannot answer. His mercy is the ground of my hope—Christ hath begotten us to a lively hope. He is the author both of life and hope to the penitent believer. The brightness and strength of this hope is observed by the imperfection of my faith and obedience. Under a sense of my transgression let me now bow before the Lord, and: with an humble, penitent soul, seek his face and favour, that the elements now before me, may be made effectual to the end of their appointment.” In fact, the whole of this address is very well written; and when read in a proper frame. of mind, cannot fail of having very beneficial effects, It cannot fail “to wake the soul” and “mend the heart,” while. it will enlarge our knowledge of the meaning of that sacred: ordinance, the Lord’s Supper.

We now will close this. article with one or two remarks.— Although we do not wish to impress our readers with an idea that Dr. Hitchcock had no faults or weaknesses of character; on the contrary, we are willing to allow, that like other men, he had frailties—no one is perfect—but from the best information, derived from those who knew him. perfectly, we are warranted in saying he had no particular weakness, unless the desire he had to be considered an author, might be one. He published some books which did not meet with much success in this country, although they were handsomely spoken of by European. reviewers: but we will not praise or condemn them; we merely state. the fact as it is, as we are bound to do, in giving a faithful outline of his character. We shall only remark, that if he had faults, they are lost in the blaze of his excellencies—they are mere trifling spots, which cannot, which ought not a moment to obscure the brightness of his reputation.

_______________

¹ Yes, the princely soul of our beloved Washington has taken its flight! he is no longer disturbed by the concussions of our jarring elements. The Heavens opened wide their huge portals to receive his pure and ennobled spirit; angels hail him welcome to his native seat; the immense temple of God becomes the place of his residence forever. He has ceased from his labours, but his virtues will long live. The inscription on the lofty marble will for a long time inform the inquisitive traveller—Here lies the venerable chief—“first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen.” ‘The monumental inscription shall mouldering time efface; but his heroick and benevolent deeds are recorded on the tablet of the heart—while man lives, they will live—so long as virtue has a name, they will be admired; yea, his justly acquired fame shall survive the wreck of nature, and wreaths of glory crown his head when time shall be no more.

(Dr. Hitchcock's funeral discourse on the death of Washington.)

² Our readers will pardon us if we embrace this opportunity to render to the town of Providence a tribute which is justly their due. Notwithstanding the act of the Legislature, entitled “An act to establish free schools,” the only publick act we believe ever passed in this State for the encouragement of education, was repealed, still the town of Providence, in their corporate capacity, governed by a policy which does honour to the hearts and to the wisdom of its citizens, would not relinquish the motives and the provisions of the act. And they still continue to pay, out of their own treasury, about four thousand dollars annually, for the support of free schools. Such conduct as this we deem worthy of the highest praise, as it is of the greatest reward: and we have no doubt the town of Providence will reap a just compensation, in the superiour value and worth of its citizens, which such policy cannot fail to promote. Such conduct as this we deem worthy of imitation, and we hope the virtuous and patriotick throughout our little State will follow the example.

SOURCE: “A Sketch of the Life and Character of the Late Rev. ENOS HITCHCOCK, D. D. Pastor of the First Congregational Church in Providence,” The Rhode Island Literary Repository, Vol. 1, No. 6, September 1814, pp. 283-92

Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, January 1775

At the precise period when my medical studies and education are completed, under the patronage of Dr. Abner Hersey of Barnstable, and I am contemplating the commencement of a new career in life, I find our country about to be involved in all the horrors of a civil war. A series of arbitrary and oppressive measures, on the part of the mother country, has long been advancing to that awful crisis, when an appeal to the power of the sword becomes inevitable. The event of this mighty struggle i

s to decide an affair of infinite magnitude, not merely as it respects the present generation, but as it will affect the welfare and happiness of unborn millions. The great fundamental principle, in the present controversy, is the right which is claimed by the Parliament of Great Britian, to exercise dominion, as the only supreme, and uncontrollable legislative power over all the American Colonies. "Can they make laws to bind the colonies in all cases whatever; levy taxes on them without their consent; dispose of the revenues, thus raised, without their control; multiply officers at pleasure, and assign them fees, to be paid without, nay, contrary to and in direct violation of acts of our Provincial Assemblies and approved by the crown? Can they enlarge the power of admiralty courts; divert the usual channels of justice; deprive the colonists of trial by a jury of their countrymen; in short, break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies." Then indeed are we reduced to a state of abject slavery; and all resistance to acts of Parliament may justly be called by the name of treason and rebellion. "The people of these colonies consider themselves as British subjects, entitled to all the rights and privileges of Freemen. It is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally or by their representatives. From their local circumstances, the colonies cannot be represented in the house of commons of Great Britain; the only representatives of the people of the colonies are the persons chosen therein by themselves; and no taxes ever can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures." All acts of Parliament therefore, for raising a revenue in America, are considered as depriving us of our property, without our consent, and consequently as a palpable infringement of our ancient rights and privileges. They are unconstitutional and arbitrary laws, subversive of the liberties and privileges secured to us by our royal charters. It is not consistent with the principles which actuate the American people, ever tamely to submit to such a degrading system of government; not however from a want of loyalty to our king, nor from an undue impatience of subordination or legal restraint; for in a quiet submission and demeanor to constitutional authority, and in zeal and attachment to our king, we dare to vie with any of our fellow subjects of Great Britain; but it is an innate love of liberty, and our just rights, that impels us to the arduous struggle. In no country, it is asserted, is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights inherent to freemen more generally diffused, or better understood, than among the British American Colonies. Our religious and political privileges are derived from our virtuous fathers; they were inhaled with our earliest breath; and are, and will I trust ever be, implanted and cherished in the bosom of the present and future generations. These are the prevalent sentiments in New England at this eventful crisis, and all the other provinces, Georgia excepted, are known to be in unison with us in the resolution, to oppose with all our power every violation of our just rights and privileges. We are not however authorized, even in the most glorious of causes, to expect a perfect unanimity among a people. Numerous are the springs of men's actions; and diversity of sentiment and views are characteristic of human nature. Accordingly we find a small minority in our country who are inimical to the common cause, and who are continually opposing every proceeding of the majority. These people are doubtless actuated by various motives; a few, comparatively, influenced by principle; some by a spirit of timidity, or the absurd doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance; others, from the strength of their passions, and weakness of judgment, are biassed and led astray by designing demagogues. There are, however, those who are vile enough to prostrate all honor and principle with the sordid view of office and preferment,

"For 'tis their duty, all the learned think,

T'espouse that cause by which they eat and drink."

Those disaffected individuals, who still adhere to the royal cause, have received the epithet of Tories; the very name is extremely abhorrent to the people in general, and they are subjected to such rigorous discipline as to prevent them from doing injury to the great cause of our country. The great majority of the people are happily united in the resolution to oppose, to the uttermost, the wicked attempts of the English cabinet. This class of people have assumed the appellation of Whigs; but by our enemies are stigmatized by the name of Rebels. If, as we affirm, the British government have ceased to rule agreeably to the principles of our constitution, and our royal charter, and have assumed to themselves the high prerogative of despotic sway, then are we absolved from our allegiance and duties as British subjects. A contract abrogated by one party can no longer be binding on the other. If we are menaced with royal power and authority, we justify ourselves in defending our indefeasible rights against despotism and tyrannical oppression. Cowards alone will bend to unjust power, and slaves and sycophants only will yield both soul and body to the disposal of tyrannical masters. Should our efforts, under God, be crowned with the desired success, we shall obtain the honor of rescuing ourselves and posterity from vassalage; but if compelled to succumb under royal power, then will ours be the rebel's fate, the scaffold and the gibbet will be glutted with their devoted victims. We cannot justly be accused of a rash precipitance of proceeding; for petitions and memorials, couched in the most loyal and humble language, have been at various periods presented to our royal sovereign, and his parliament, praying for a redress of grievances; but they are deaf to all our complaints and supplications, and the coercive arm of power is suspended over us, threatening implacable vengeance.

Among the odious acts of the British Parliament they passed one which imposed a duty on the article of tea, and several cargoes of this commodity were shipped to America to obtain the duty and a market. On the arrival of the tea ships at Boston great indignation was excited among the people; town meetings were called to devise some legal measures to prohibit the landing of the odious article. It was universally understood that if the tea was once landed, and stored, it would by some means come to a market and the duty to the government would be secured. In order to defeat this object a number of persons in disguise entered the ships at the wharves, broke open 342 chests of tea, and discharged their contents into the water at the dock. This was on the 16th December, 1773. When intelligence of this summary proceeding reached England, it was condemned by the government as enormously criminal. They menaced our Province with the most exemplary vengeance, and Parliament soon passed the Boston Vindictive Port Bill as a part of their coercive system, so that merely the name of tea is now associated with ministerial grievances, and tea drinking is almost tantamount to an open avowal of toryism. Those who are anxious to avoid the odious epithet of enemies to their country, strictly prohibit the use of tea in their families, and the most squeamish ladies are compelled to have recourse to substitutes, or secretly steal indulgence in their favorite East India beverage.

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 9-13

Dr. Joseph Warren’s Boston Massacre Oration, March 6, 1775

Oration Delivered At Boston, March 6, 1775 by Dr. Joseph Warren

 

Tantæ molis erat, Romanam condere gentem.

VIRGIL'S Æne

 

Qui, metuens, vivit, liber mihi non erit unquam.

HOR. Epis

MY EVER HONOURED FELLOW CITIZENS:

IT is not without the most humiliating conviction of my want of ability that I now appear before you: but the sense I have of the obligation I am under to obey the calls of my country at all times, together with an animating recollection of your indulgence, exhibited upon so many occasions, has induced me, once more, undeserving as I am, to throw myself upon that candour which looks with kindness on the feeblest efforts of an honest mind.

You will not now expect the elegance, the learning, the fire, the enrapturing strains of eloquence which charmed you when a LOVELL, A CHURCH, or a HANCOCK spake; but you will permit me to say that with a sincerity, equal to theirs, I mourn over my bleeding country: with them I weep at her distress, and with them deeply resent the many injuries she has received from the hands of cruel and unreasonable men.

That personal freedom is the natural right of every man; and that property, or an exclusive right to dispose of what he has honestly acquired by his own labour, necessarily arises therefrom, are truths which common sense has placed beyond the reach of contradiction. And no man, or body of men, can, without being guilty of flagrant injustice, claim a right to dispose of the persons or acquisitions of any other man, or body of men, unless it can be proved that such a right has arisen from some compact between the parties in which it has been explicitly and freely granted.

If I may be indulged in taking a retrospective view of the first settlement of our country, it will be easy to determine with what degree of justice the late parliament of Great Britain have assumed the power of giving away that property which the Americans have earned by their labour.

Our fathers having nobly resolved never to wear the yoke of despotism, and seeing the European world, at that time, through indolence and cowardice, falling a prey to tyranny, bravely threw themselves upon the bosom of the ocean, determined to find a place in which they might enjoy their freedom, or perish in the glorious attempt. Approving heaven beheld the favourite ark dancing upon the waves, and graciously preserved it until the chosen families were brought in safety to these western regions. They found the land swarming with savages, who threatened death with every kind of torture. But savages, and death with torture, were far less terrible than slavery: nothing was so much the object of their abhorrence as a tyrant's power: they knew that it was more safe to dwell with man in his most unpolished state, than in a country where arbitrary power prevails. Even anarchy itself, that bugbear held up by the tools of power (though truly to be deprecated) is infinitely less dangerous to mankind than arbitrary government. Anarchy can be but of short duration; for when men are at liberty to pursue that course which is most conducive to their own happiness, they will soon come into it, and from the rudest state of nature, order and good government must soon arise. But tyranny, when once established, entails its curses on a nation to the latest period of time; unless some daring genius, inspired by heaven, shall, unappalled by danger, bravely form and execute the arduous design of restoring liberty and life to his enslaved, murdered country.

The tools of power, in every age, have racked their inventions to justify the few in sporting with the happiness of the many; and, having found their sophistry too weak to hold mankind in bondage, have impiously dared to force religion, the daughter of the king of heaven, to become a prostitute in the service of hell. They taught that princes, honoured with the name of christian, might bid defiance to the founder of their faith, might pillage Pagan countries and deluge them with blood, only because they boasted themselves to be the disciples of that teacher who strictly charged his followers to do to others as they would that others should do unto them.

This country, having been discovered by an English subject, in the year 1620, was (according to the system which the blind superstition of those times supported) deemed the property of the crown of England. Our ancestors, when they resolved to quit their native soil, obtained from king James, a grant of certain lands in North America. This they probably did to silence the cavils of their enemies, for it cannot be doubted, but they despised the pretended right which he claimed thereto. Certain it is, that he might, with equal propriety and justice, have made them a grant of the planet Jupiter. And their subsequent conduct plainly shews that they were too well acquainted with humanity, and the principles of natural equity, to suppose that the grant gave them any right to take possession; they therefore entered into a treaty with the natives, and bought from them the lands: nor have I ever yet obtained any information that our ancestors ever pleaded, or that the natives ever regarded the grant from the English crown: the business was transacted by the parties in the same independent manner that it would have been, had neither of them ever known or heard of the island of Great Britain.

Having become the honest proprietors of the soil, they immediately applied themselves to the cultivation of it; and they soon beheld the virgin earth teeming with richest fruits, a grateful recompense for their unwearied toil. The fields began to wave with ripening harvests, and the late barren wilderness was seen to blossom like the rose. The savage natives saw with wonder the delightful change, and quickly formed a scheme to obtain that by fraud or force, which nature meant as the reward of industry alone. But the illustrious emigrants soon convinced the rude invaders, that they were not less ready to take the field for battle than for labour; and the insidious foe was driven from their borders as often as he ventured to disturb them. The crown of England looked with indifference on the contest; our ancestors were left alone to combat with the natives. Nor is there any reason to believe, that it ever was intended by the one party, or expected by the other, that the grantor should defend and maintain the grantees in the peaceable possession of the lands named in the patents. And it appears plainly, from the history of those times, that neither the prince, nor the people of England, thought themselves much interested in the matter.

They had not then any idea of a thousandth part of those advantages which they since have, and we are most heartily willing they should still continue to reap from us.

But when, at an infinite expense of toil and blood, this widely extended continent had been cultivated and defended: when the hardy adventurers justly expected that they and their descendants should peaceably have enjoyed the harvest of those fields which they had sown, and the fruit of those vineyards which they had planted; this country was then thought worthy the attention of the British ministry; and the only justifiable and only successful means of rendering the colonies serviceable to Britain were adopted. By an intercourse of friendly offices, the two countries became so united in affection, that they thought not of any distinct or separate interests, they found both countries flourishing and happy. Britain saw her commerce extended, and her wealth increased; her lands raised to an immense value; her fleets riding triumphant on the ocean; the terror of her arms spreading to every quarter of the globe. The colonist found himself free, and thought himself secure; he dwelt under his own vine, and under his own fig tree, and had none to make him afraid: he knew indeed that by purchasing the manufactures of Great Britain, he contributed to its greatness: he knew that all the wealth that his labour produced centered in Great Britain: but that, far from exciting his envy, filled him with the highest pleasure; that thought supported him in all his toils. When the business of the day was past, he solaced himself with the contemplation, or perhaps entertained his listening family with the recital of some great, some glorious transaction which shines conspicuous in the history of Britain: or, perhaps, his elevated fancy led him to foretel, with a kind of enthusiastic confidence, the glory, power, and duration of an empire which should extend from one end of the earth to the other: he saw, or thought he saw, the British nation risen to a pitch of grandeur which cast a veil over the Roman glory, and, ravished with the præview, boasted a race of British kings, whose names should echo through those realms where Cyrus, Alexander, and the Cæsars were unknown; princes for whom millions of grateful subjects redeemed from slavery and Pagan ignorance, should, with thankful tongues, offer up their prayers and praises to that transcendently great and beneficent Being, by whom kings reign, and princes decree justice.

These pleasing connections might have continued; these delightsome prospects might have been every day extended; and even the reveries of the most warm imagination might have been realized; but unhappily for us, unhappily for Britain, the madness of an avaricious minister of state, has drawn a sable curtain over the charming scene, and in its stead, has brought upon the stage, discord, envy, hatred, and revenge, with civil war close in their rear.

Some demon, in an evil hour, suggested to a short sighted financier, the hateful project of transferring the whole property of the king's subjects in America, to his subjects in Britain. The claim of the British parliament to tax the colonies, can never be supported but by such a TRANSFER; for the right of the House of Commons of Great Britain, to originate any tax, or grant money, is altogether derived from their being elected by the people of Great Britain to act for them; and the people of Great Britain cannot confer on their representatives a right to give or grant any thing which they themselves have not a right to give or grant personally. Therefore it follows, that if the members chosen by the people of Great Britain, to represent them in parliament, have, by virtue of their being so chosen, any right to give or grant American property, or to lay any tax upon the lands or persons of the colonists, it is because the lands and people in the colonies are bona fide, owned by, and justly belonging to the people of Great Britain. But (as has been before observed) every man has a right to personal freedom, consequently a right to enjoy what is acquired by his own labour. And as it is evident that the property in this country has been acquired by our own labour; it is the duty of the people of Great Britain, to produce some compact in which we have explicity given up to them a right to dispose of our persons or property. Until this is done, every attempt of theirs, or of those whom they have deputed to act for them, to give or grant any part of our property, is directly repugnant to every principle of reason and natural justice. But I may boldly say, that such a compact never existed, no, not even in imagination. Nevertheless, the representatives of a nation, long famed for justice and the exercise of every noble virtue, have been prevailed on to adopt the fatal scheme: and although the dreadful consequences of this wicked policy have already shaken the empire to its centre; yet still it is persisted in. Regardless of the voice of reason, deaf to the prayers and supplications, and unaffected with the flowing tears of suffering millions, the British ministry still hug the darling idol; and every rolling year affords fresh instances of the absurd devotion with which they worship it. Alas! how has the folly, the distraction of the British councils, blasted our swelling hopes, and spread a gloom over this western hemisphere.

The hearts of Britons and Americans, which lately felt the generous glow of mutual confidence and love, now burn with jealously and rage. Though, but of yesterday, I recollect (deeply affected at the ill boding change) the happy hours that past whilst Britain and America rejoiced in the prosperity and greatness of each other (heaven grant those halcyon days may soon return.) But now the Briton too often looks on the American with an envious eye, taught to consider his just plea for the enjoyment of his earnings, as the effect of pride and stubborn opposition to the parent country. Whilst the American beholds the Briton as the ruffian, ready first to take away his property, and next, what is still dearer to every virtuous man, the liberty of his country.

When the measures of administration had disgusted the colonies to the highest degree, and the people of Great Britian had, by artifice and falsehood, been irritated against America, an army was sent over to enforce submission to certain acts of the British parliament, which reason scorned to countenance, and which placemen and pensioners were found unable to support.

Martial law and the government of a well regulated city, are so entirely different, that it has always been considered as improper to quarter troops in populous cities; frequent disputes must necessarily arise between the citizen and the soldier, even if no previous animosities subsist. And it is further certain, from a consideration of the nature of mankind, as well as from constant experience, that standing armies always endanger the liberty of the subject. But when the people on the one part, considered the army as sent to enslave them, and the army on the other, were taught to look on the people as in a state of rebellion, it was but just to fear the most disagreeable consequences. Our fears, we have seen, were but too well grounded.

The many injuries offered to the town, I pass over in silence. I cannot now mark out the path which led to that unequalled scene of horror, the sad remembrance of which, takes the full possession of my soul. The sanguinary theatre again opens itself to view. The baleful images of terror crowd around me, and discontented ghosts, with hollow groans, appear to solemnize the anniversary of the FIFTH OF MARCH.

Approach we then the melancholy walk of death. Hither let me call the gay companion; here let him drop a farewell tear upon that body which so late he saw vigorous and warm with social mirth; hither let me lead the tender mother to weep over her beloved son: come widowed mourner, here satiate thy grief; behold thy murdered husband gasping on the ground, and to complete the pompous show of wretchedness, bring in each hand thy infant children to bewail their father's fate: take heed, ye orphan babes, lest, whilst your streaming eyes are fixed upon the ghastly corpse, your feet slide on the stones bespattered with your father's brains.¹ Enough! this tragedy need not be heightened by an infant weltering in the blood of him that gave it birth. Nature, reluctant, shrinks already from the view, and the chilled blood rolls slowly backward to its fountain. We wildly stare about, and with amazement, ask, who spread this ruin round us? what wretch has dared deface the image of his God? has haughty France, or cruel Spain, sent forth her myrmidons? has the grim savage rushed again from the far distant wilderness ? or does some fiend, fierce from the depth of hell, with all the rancorous malice, which the apostate damned can feel, twang her destructive bow, and hurl her deadly arrows at our breast? no, none of these; but, how astonishing! it is the hand of Britain that inflicts the wound. The arms of George, our rightful king, have been employed to shed that blood, when justice, or the honour of his crown, had called his subjects to the field.

But pity, grief, astonishment, with all the softer movements of the soul, must now give way to stronger passions. Say, fellow citizens, what dreadful thought now swells your heaving bosoms; you fly to arms, sharp indignation flashes from each eye, revenge gnashes her iron teeth, death grins an hideous smile, secure to drench his greedy jaws in human gore, whilst hovering furies darken all the air.

But stop, my bold adventurous countrymen, stain not your weapons with the blood of Britons. Attend to reason's voice, humanity puts in her claim, and sues to be again admitted to her wonted seat, the bosom of the brave. Revenge is far beneath the noble mind. Many perhaps, compelled to rank among the vile assassins, do, from their inmost souls, detest the barbarous action. The winged death, shot from your arms, may chance to pierce some breast that bleeds already for your injured country.

The storm subsides; a solemn pause ensues; you spare, upon condition they depart. They go; they quit your city; they no more shall give offence. Thus closes the important drama.

And could it have been conceived that we again should have seen a British army in our land, sent to enforce obedience to acts of parliament destructive of our liberty. But the royal ear, far distant from this western world, has been assaulted by the tongue of slander; and villains, traitorous alike to king and country, have prevailed upon a gracious prince to clothe his countenance with wrath, and to erect the hostile banner against a people ever affectionate and loyal to him and his illustrious predecessors of the house of Hanover. Our streets are again filled with armed men; our harbour is crowded with ships of war; but these cannot intimidate us; our liberty must be preserved ; it is far dearer than life, we hold it even dear as our allegiance; we must defend it against the attacks of friends as well as enemies; we cannot suffer even Britons to ravish it from us.

No longer could we reflect, with generous pride, on the heroic actions of our American forefathers, no longer boast our origin from that far famed island, whose warlike sons have so often drawn their well tried swords to save her from the ravages of tyranny; could we, but for a moment, entertain the thought of giving up our liberty. The man who meanly will submit to wear a shackle, contemns the noblest gift of heaven, and impiously affronts the God that made him free.

It was a maxim of the Roman people, which eminently conduced to the greatness of that state, never to despair of the commonwealth. The maxim may prove as salutary to us now, as it did to them. Short sighted mortals see not the numerous links of small and great events, which form the chain on which the fate of kings and nations is suspended. Ease and prosperity (though pleasing for a day) have often sunk a people into effeminacy and sloth. Hardships and dangers (though we for ever strive to shun them) have frequently called forth such virtues, as have commanded the applause and reverence of an admiring world. Our country loudly calls you to be circumspect, vigilant, active, and brave. Perhaps (all gracious Heaven avert it) perhaps, the power of Britain, a nation great in war, by some malignant influence, may be employed to enslave you: but let not even this discourage you. Her arms, it is true, have filled the world with terror: her troops have reaped the laurels of the field: her fleets have rode triumphant on the sea—and when, or where, did you, my countrymen, depart inglorious from the field of fight?² you too can shew the trophies of your forefathers victories and your own; can name the fortresses and battles you have won; and many of you count the honourable scars or wounds received, whilst fighting for your king and country.

Where justice is the standard, heaven is the warrior's shield: but conscious guilt unnerves the arm that lifts the sword against the innocent. Britain, united with these colonies, by commerce and affection, by interest and blood, may mock the threats of France and Spain: may be the seat of universal empire. But should America, either by force, or those more dangerous engines, luxury and corruption, ever be brought into a state of vassalage, Britain must lose her freedom also. No longer shall she sit the empress of the sea: her ships no more shall waft her thunders over the wide ocean: the wreath shall wither on her temples: her weakened arm shall be unable to defend. her coasts: and she, at last, must bow her venerable head to some proud foreigner's despotic rule,

But if; from past events, we may venture to form a judgment of the future, we justly may expect that the devices of our enemies will but increase the triumphs of our country. I must indulge a hope that Britain's liberty, as well as ours, will eventually be preserved by the virtue of America.

The attempt of the British parliament to raise a revenue from America, and our denial of their right to do it, have excited an almost universal inquiry into the rights of mankind in general, and of British subjects in particular; the necessary result of which must be such a liberality of sentiment, and such a jealousy of those in power, as will, better than an adamantine wall, secure us against the future approaches of despotism.

The malice of the Boston port bill has been defeated in a very considerable degree, by giving you an opportunity of deserving, and our brethren in this and our sister colonies an opportunity of bestowing, those benefactions which have delighted your friends and astonished your enemies, not only in America, but in Europe also. And what is more valuable still, the sympathetic feelings for a brother in distress, and the grateful emotions excited in the breast of him who finds relief, must for ever endear each to the other, and form those indissoluble bonds of friendship and affection, on which the preservation of our rights so evidently depend.

The mutilation of our charter, has made every other colony jealous for its own; for this, if once submitted to us, would set on float the property and government of every British settlement upon the continent. If charters are not deemed sacred, how miserably precarious is every thing founded upon them.

Even the sending troops to put these acts in execution, is not without advantages to us. The exactness and beauty of their discipline inspire our youth with ardour in the pursuit of military knowledge. Charles the invincible, taught Peter the great, the art of war. The battle of Pultowa [sic] convinced Charles of the proficiency Peter had made.

Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of. Our enemies are numerous and powerful; but we have many friends, determining to be free, and heaven and earth will aid the resolution. On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important question, on which rest the happiness and liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves. The faltering tongue of hoary age calls on you to support your country. The lisping infant raises its suppliant hands, imploring defence against the monster slavery. Your fathers look from their celestial seats with smiling approbation on their sons, who boldly stand forth in the cause of virtue; but sternly frown upon the inhuman miscreant, who, to secure the loaves and fishes to himself, would breed a serpent to destroy his children.

But, pardon me, my fellow citizens, I know you want not zeal or fortitude. You will maintain your rights or perish in the generous struggle. However difficult the combat, you never will decline it when freedom is the prize. An independence on Great Britain is not our aim. No, our wish is, that Britain and the colonies may, like the oak and ivy, grow and increase in strength together. But whilst the infatuated plan of making one part of the empire slaves to the other, is persisted in; the interest and safety of Britain, as well as the colonies, require that the wise measures, recommended by the honourable the continental congress, be steadily pursued; whereby the unnatural contest between a parent honoured, and a child beloved, may probably be brought to such an issue, as that the peace and happiness of both may be established upon a lasting basis. But if these pacific measures are ineffectual, and it appears that the only way to safety, is through fields of blood, I know you will not turn your faces from your foes, but will, undauntedly, press forward, until tyranny is trodden under foot, and you have fixed your adored goddess Liberty, fast by a Brunswick's side, on the American throne.

You then, who nobly have espoused your country's cause, who generously have sacrificed wealth and ease; who have despised the pomp and shew of tinseled greatness; refused the summons to the festive board; been deaf to the alluring calls of luxury and mirth; who have forsaken the downy pillow, to keep your vigils by the midnight lamp, for the salvation of your invaded country, that you might break the fowler's snare, and disappoint the vulture of his prey; you then will reap that harvest of renown which you so justly have deserved. Your country shall pay her grateful tribute of applause. Even the children of your most inveterate enemies, ashamed to tell from whom they sprang, while they in secret, curse their stupid, cruel parents, shall join the general voice of gratitude to those who broke the fetters which their fathers forged.

Having redeemed your country, and secured the blessing to future generations, who, fired by your example, shall emulate your virtues, and learn from you the heavenly art of making millions happy; with heart felt joy, with transports all your own, you cry, the glorious work is done. Then drop the mantle to some young Elisha, and take your seats with kindred spirits in your native skies.

_______________

¹ After Mr. Gray had been shot through the body, and had fallen dead on the ground, a bayonet was pushed through his skull; part of the bone being broken, his brains fell out upon the pavement.

² The patience with which this people have borne the repeated injuries which have been heaped upon them, and their unwillingness to take any sanguinary measures, has, very injudiciously, been ascribed to cowardice, by persons both here and in Great Britain. I most heartily wish, that an opinion, so erroneous in itself, and so fatal in its consequences, might be utterly removed before it be too late; and I think, nothing further necessary to convince every intelligent man, that the conduct of this people is owing to the tender regard which they have for their fellow men, and an utter abhorrence to the shedding of human blood, than a little attention to their general temper and disposition, discovered when they cannot be supposed to be under any apprehension of danger to themselves. I will only mention the universal detestation which they shew to every act of cruelty, by whom and upon whomsoever committed; the mild spirit of their laws; the very few crimes to which capital penalties are annexed; and the very great backwardness which both courts and juries discover, in condemning persons charged with capital crimes. But if any should think this observation not to the purpose, I readily appeal to those gentlemen of the army who have been in the camp, or in the field, with the Americans.

SOURCE: William T. Clap, Publisher, Orations Delivered at the Request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston to Commemorate the Evening of the Fifth of March, 1770; When a Number of Citizens were Killed by a Party of British Troops, Quartered Among Them, In a Time of Peace, Second Edition, pp. 55-70

The Tea Act, May 10, 1773

An act act to allow a drawback of the duties of customs on the exportation of tea to any of his Majesty’s colonies or plantations in America; to increase the deposit on bohea tea to be sold at the India Company’s sales; and to impower the commissioners of the treasury to grant licences to the East India Company to export tea duty-free.

WHEREAS by an act, made in the twelfth year of his present Majesty’s reign, (intituled, An act for granting a drawback of part of the customs upon the exportation of tea to Ireland, and the British dominions in America; for altering the drawback upon foreign sugars exported from Great Britain to Ireland; for continuing the bounty on the exportation of British-made cordage; for allowing the importation of rice from the British plantations into the ports of Bristol, Liverpoole, Lancaster, and Whitehaven, for immediate exportation to foreign parts; and to impower the chief magistrate of any corporation to administer the oath, and grant the certificate required by law, upon the removal of certain goods to London, which have been sent into the country for sale;) it is amongst other things, enacted, That for and during the space of five years, to be computed from and after the fifth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-two, there shall be drawn back and allowed for all teas which shall be sold after the said fifth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-two, at the publick sale of the united company of merchants of England trading to the East Indies, or which after that time shall be imported, by licence, in pursuance of the said therein and hereinafter mentioned act, made in the eighteenth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, and which shall be exported from this kingdom, as merchandise, to Ireland, or any of the British colonies or plantations in America, three-fifth parts of the several duties of customs which were paid upon the importation of such teas; which drawback or allowance, with respect to such teas as shall be exported to Ireland, shall be made to the exporter, in such manner, and under such rules, regulations, securities, penalties, and forfeitures, as any drawback or allowance was then payable, out of the duty of customs upon the exportation of foreign goods to Ireland; and with respect to such teas as shall be exported to the British colonies and plantations in America, the said drawback or allowance shall be made in such manner, and under such rules, regulations, penalties, and forfeitures, as any drawback or allowance payable out of the duty of customs upon foreign goods exported to foreign parts, was could, or might be made, before the passing of the said act of the twelfth year of his present Majesty’s reign, (except in such cases as are otherwise therein provided for:) and whereas it may tend to the benefit and advantage of the trade of the said united company of merchants of England trading to the East Indies, if the allowance of the drawback of the duties of customs upon all teas sold at the publick sales of the said united company, after the tenth day of May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three, and which shall be exported from this kingdom, as merchandise, to any of the British colonies or plantations in America, were to extend to the whole of the said duties of customs payable upon the importation of such teas; may it therefore please your Majesty that it may be enacted; and be it enacted by the King’s most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, That there shall be drawn back and allowed for all teas, which, from and after the tenth day of May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three, shall be sold at the publick sales of the said united company, or which shall be imported by licence, in pursuance of the said act made in the eighteenth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, and which shall, at any time hereafter, be exported from this kingdom, as merchandise, to any of the British colonies or plantations in America, the whole of the duties of customs payable upon the importation of such teas; which drawback or allowance shall be made to the exporter in such manner, and under such rules, regulations, and securities, and subject to the like penalties and forfeitures, as the former drawback or allowance granted by the said recited act of the twelfth year of his present Majesty’s reign, upon tea exported to the said British colonies and plantations in America was, might, or could be made, and was subject to by the said recited act, or any other act of parliament now in force, in as full and ample manner, to all intents and purposes, as if the several clauses relative thereto were again repeated and re-enacted in this present act.

II. And whereas by one other act made in the eighteenth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, (intituled, An act for repealing the present inland duty of four shillings per pound weight upon all tea sold in Great Britain; and for granting to his Majesty certain other inland duties in lieu thereof; and for better securing the duty upon tea, and other duties of excise; and for pursuing offenders out of one county into another,) it is, amongst other things, enacted, That every person who shall, at any publick sale of tea made by the united company of merchants of England trading to the East Indies, be declared to be the best bidder for any lot or lots of tea, shall, within three days after being so declared the best bidder or bidders for the same, deposit with the said united company, or such clerk or officer as the said company shall appoint to receive the same, forty shillings for every tub and for every chest of tea; and in case any such person or persons shall refuse or neglect to make such deposit within the time before limited, he, she, or they, shall forfeit and lose six times the value of such deposit directed to be made as aforesaid, to be recovered by action of debt, bill, plaint, or information, in any of his Majesty’s courts of record at Westminster, in which no essoin, protection, or wager of law, or more than one imparlance, shall be allowed; one moiety of which forfeiture shall go to his Majesty, his heirs and successors, and the other moiety to such person as shall sue or prosecute for the same; and the sale of all teas, for which such deposit shall be neglected to be made as aforesaid, is thereby declared to be null and void, and such teas shall be again put up by the said united company to publick sale, within fourteen days after the end of the sale of teas at which such teas were sold; and all and every buyer or buyers, who shall have neglected to make such deposit as aforesaid, shall be, and is and are thereby rendered incapable of bidding for or buying any teas at any future publick sale of the said united company: and whereas it is found to be expedient and necessary to increase the deposit to be made by any bidder or bidders for any lot or lots of bohea teas, at the publick sales of teas to be made by the said united company; be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every person who shall, after the tenth day of May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three, at any publick sale of tea to be made by the said united company of merchants of England trading to the East Indies, be declared to be the best bidder or bidders for any lot or lots of bohea tea, shall, within three days after being so declared the best bidder or bidders for the same, deposit with the said united company, or such clerk or officer as the said united company shall appoint to receive the same, four pounds of lawful money of Great Britain for every tub and for every chest of bohea tea, under the same terms and conditions, and subject to the same forfeitures, penalties, and regulations, as are mentioned and contained in the said recited act of the eighteenth year of the reign of his said late Majesty.

III. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful for the commissioners of his Majesty’s treasury, or any three or more of them, or for the high treasurer for the time being, upon application made to them by the said united company of merchants of England trading to the East Indies for that purpose, to grant a licence or licences to the said united company, to take out of their warehouses, without the same having been put up to sale, and to export to any of the British plantations in America, or to any parts beyond the seas, such quantity or quantities of tea as the said commissioners of his Majesty’s treasury, or any three or more of them, or the high treasurer for the time being, shall think proper and expedient, without incurring any penalty or forfeiture for so doing; any thing in the said in part recited act, or any other law, to the contrary notwithstanding.

IV. And whereas by an act made in the ninth and tenth years of the reign of King William the Third, (intituled, An act for raising a sum not exceeding two millions, upon a fund, for payment of annuities, after the rate of eight pounds per centum per annum; and for settling the trade to the East Indies,) and by several other acts of parliament which are now in force, the said united company of merchants of England trading to the East Indies are obliged to give security, under their common seal, for payment of the duties of customs upon all unrated goods imported by them, so soon as the same shall be sold; and for exposing such goods to sale, openly and fairly, by way of auction, or by inch of candle, within the space of three years from the importation thereof: and whereas it is expedient that some provision should be made to permit the said company, in certain cases, to export tea, on their own account, to the British plantations in America, or to foreign parts, without exposing such tea, to sale here, or being charged with the payment of any duty for the same; be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the passing of this act, it shall and may be lawful for the commissioners of his Majesty’s treasury, or any three or more of them, or the high treasurer for the time being, to grant a licence or quantity of licences to the said united company, to take out of their warehouses such quantity or quantities of tea as the said commissioners of the treasury, or any three or more of them, or the high treasurer for the time being, shall think proper, without the same having been exposed to sale in this kingdom; and to export such tea to any of the British colonies or plantations in America, or to foreign parts, discharged from the payment of any customs or duties whatsoever; any thing in the said recited act, or any other act to the contrary notwithstanding.

V. Provided always, and it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That a due entry shall be made at the custom-house, of all such tea so exported by licence, as aforesaid, expressing the quantities thereof, at what time imported, and by what ship; and such tea shall be shipped for exportation by the proper officer for that purpose, and shall, in all other respects, not altered by this act, be liable to the same rules, regulations, restrictions, securities, penalties, and forfeitures, as tea exported to the like places was liable to before the passing this act: and upon the proper officer’s duty, certifying the shipping of such tea to the collector and comptroller of his Majesty’s customs for the port of London, upon the back of the licence, and the exportation thereof, verified by the oath of the husband or agent for the said united company, to be wrote at the bottom of such certificate, and sworn before the said collector and comptroller of the customs, (which oath they are hereby impowered to administer,) it shall and may be lawful for such collector and comptroller to write off and discharge the quantity of tea so exported from the warrant of the respective ship in which such tea was imported.

VI. Provided nevertheless, That no such licence shall be granted, unless it shall first be made to appear to the satisfaction of the commissioners of his Majesty’s treasury, or any three or more of them, or the high treasurer for the time being, that at the time of taking out such teas, for the exportation of which licence or licences shall be granted, there will be left remaining in the warehouses of the said united company, a quantity of tea not less than ten millions of pounds weight; any thing herein, or in any other act of parliament, contained to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.

SOURCE: Charles Eyer and Andrew Strahan, Publishers, A Collection of Statutes Concerning the Incorporation, Trade and Commerce of the East India Company, and the Government of British Possessions in India with the Statues of Piracy, pp. 187-90