Tuesday, June 30, 2026

A sketch of the life and character of the late Rev. ENOS HITCHCOCK, D. D. Pastor of the first Congregational Church in Providence.

THE life of a christian minister, spent in labour, for the eternal welfare of his fellow-beings, must always be an object of the greatest veneration and love to every Christian community. The life of such a man, a christian people will always wish to become acquainted with; for such a life will not only strengthen the affection of the good and virtuous, to the great Redeemer of mankind, and their resolution to adhere to the precepts of his gospel; but it will have some tendency to promote a reformation among the sinful and unbelieving.

A true christian will never rest satisfied with his own belief in the truth of the gospel; neither will he be satisfied with well wishing its dissemination: he will himself labour in the vineyard; he will “plough in hope,” although the harvest of his labours may be cut short; he will use always his best exertions to make the ignorant and prejudiced mind accessible to divine truth, both by precept and example.

The minister of the gospel of Christ, who sincerely labours in his calling, is also an object of the greatest respect. Whatever we may think of that statesman, who, by the labours of his closet is able to set a continent in arms, or of that philosophy which throws open the mysteries of the natural world; or of those splendid achievements which adorn a warrior’s name; how trifling and insignificant, how like the “stuff dreams are made of,” do they all appear, in comparison with the soldier of Christ, who conquers the world; who having “ buckled on the armour of God,” follows the “great Captain of our salvation” to the conquest of the “world, the flesh, and the Devil.” There is, in fact, something so soul captivating in the christian warfare, that we must indeed be “trumpet-tongued” before we can speak its praise. There is also such a dignity of character in the christian soldier, as well as meekness and gentleness, that if respect did not always accompany sincere affection, we could hardly determine whether we respected or loved him most.

These few desultory remarks were suggested by reflecting on the ministry of the late Rev. Doctor Hitchcock, a short account of whose life we now present to our readers. We however do not affirm, that Doctor Hitchcock ought to be ranked among the greatest divines: he was probably not so great as he was good. His doctrines however were truly evangelical. He believed that Jesus Christ was the way, and the only way to eternal salvation. His sermons were usually calculated to persuade and convince, rather than terrify or command. He preached the unbounded mercy and goodness of God oftener perhaps, than the terrour of divine wrath and justice; although he always made the sinner acquainted with his real situation; what he had to do and believe, before he could expect that goodness and mercy. That God would administer justice, he sincerely believed—but he believed he would administer it in tender mercy. He always looked up to God as a merciful father, who could not take pleasure in the death of the wicked: still he believed that justice must be done, and that the vicarious sufferings of our Saviour satisfied that justice; not however universally, but with respect to those who were willing to take his “yoke upon them.”

His sermons also usually contained sound moral precepts.— He was convinced that sound morality was essentially requisite in every well regulated community; that in fact the civil order of things depended, in great measure, upon it. And although it was not in itself sufficient to “see God,” it greatly aided and prepared the way for the dissemination of gospel truth. “He was convinced, in fact, that it not only strengthened the social compact, and rendered mankind more willing to obey the new commandment of our Saviour, to “love one another,” but that it also prepared the mind for the reception of evangelical knowledge, and the heart, with the assistance of “preventing grace,” for that new birth, which our Saviour said to a ruler of the Jews, was necessary, to “see the kingdom of God.” Perhaps he more forcibly felt the necessity of morality from the circumstance of his having been a chaplain in the American army; where from the nature of his situation, he must have witnessed depravity of the most odious character: where in fact morality was the only thing he could hope to inculcate with any degree of success.— The din of war, the loud yelling cries of blood and battle, are too incompatible with the mild and gentle accents of the gospel; however painful the thought they cannot be heard: the dulcet notes of the “new song” are too often overpowered. If a chaplain can enforce, even with the assistance of a strict military discipline, an observance of moral rectitude, in such a place, it is all ' he can reasonably expect.

This circumstance might have been the cause, why he so forcibly inculcated morality—why he so usually blended the moralist with the divine. But whether we consider him the one or the other, we find sufficient to admire. He was as faithful a servant of Christ, as he was a sound moral teacher. He was born at Springfield, in the State of Massachusetts, of respectable parents, in the year 1744. We have no record of his early life; it is probable, however, that nothing remarkable occurred; his genius was not of that east, which would be likely to burst forth in extraordinary youthful blazes. It was left to the maturity of age to stamp his character with usefulness. His early education however was not neglected; he was fitted and entered college, and received the honours of Harvard University, in the year 1767. Soon after he graduated, he devoted himself to the study of divinity; this however was no new study, although his views. were now directed thereto, with more particular reference to entering on the gospel ministry; in which, his course afterwards was continually progressing and luminous, and in the course of two or three years, became a preacher of the gospel. “His performances, while a candidate, met with general acceptance, and in 1771 he was ordained a colleague with the venerable and excellent Mr. Chipman, Pastor of the second church in Beverly, whose age and infirmities incapacitated him from publick services. While his life continued, the two Pastors lived together in great mutual affection and harmony. Dr. Hitchcock exerted himself for the spiritual and temporal interests of his people, enjoyed their affectionate esteem, and acquired the approbation and friendship of neighbouring societies and ministers.”

It was during his ministry in Beverly, that he married Miss ACHSAH JOURDAN, of Portland, in the District of Maine, a lady of unaffected piety, whose mind was accomplished, and whose heart was affectionately disposed. With such a wife he lived in the full enjoyment of connubial happiness. Mrs. Hitchcock was a member of the church under his pastoral care—and she lived in holy communion with her spiritual master, which she evinced by the purity of her life, and a steady adherence to the outward institutions of the visible church on earth. She died on the fifth day of May, A. D. 1801, lamented by all who had enjoyed the happiness of her acquaintance.

Early in our national revolution, Dr. Hitchcock became a chaplain in the army. He was induced to this, from a sense of duty he believed he owed his country. He probably revolved the whole contest between the mother country and her colonies in his own mind, before he engaged. He probably viewed it, as it really was, a contest for dominion on the one side, and self-defence on the other. He considered the pretensions of Great Britain unwarrantable; totally inconsistent with our established rights; and that, had we submitted, instead of being British subjects, we should have been British slaves—slaves to a British ministerial faction, who made encroachments on our rights, not so much from the hope of gain, or of adding strength to the British empire, as from the pride of dominion. Had the faction permitted us to have been British subjects in reality—to have enjoyed all the privileges of British subjects, the probability is we should have owed them allegiance much longer: but being the sons of Sydney, Russell and Hampden, we could not, we would not be slaves. As our warm and powerful advocate, the Hon. Edmund Burk observed, “we were a high minded people, who snuff at the approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze.”— Such was our character, and such was the character of the faction which wished to triumph over us; and being viewed as such, Dr. Hitchcock felt himself impelled by a principle of duty to uphold his native country, in the struggle. Whatever, as a christian, he might have thought of war in general, a war of self-defence was a righteous war; a war warranted by the first law of nature.

While he was chaplain in the army, “his social qualities and engaging deportment made him highly acceptable; while his nice regard to decorum and dignity of character commanded respect and added weight to his efforts on the side of order and virtue, of patriotick bravery, zeal and perseverance.” But if any proof was wanting of the estimation in which he was held in the army, the marked attentions, which the father of our country shewed him might be adduced. With Washington he was not only personally acquainted, but on intimate terms of friendship. That great and illustrious chief, at the mention of whose name every eye sparkles with rapture, respected and loved him; often invited him to his quarters, when leisure from the “tented field” allowed him to listen to the accents of friendship and religion—and when that immortal hero slept with his fathers, the impression which that event made upon his mind was deep indeed: but being accustomed to practice as well as to teach the precepts of his divine master, he was enabled to say—“father; not mine, but thy mill be done.”

His funeral discourse on the death of his friend, abundantly shews in what light he viewed him, and what were his feelings—notwithstanding he was compelled to exclaim in the language of his text on that occasion1—“The beauty of Israel is slain upon thy high places. How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished”—and mourn, “incessantly mourn,” as Israel did, the death of Moses; notwithstanding, in this instance, he felt the peculiar effect of the awful sentence of “dust to dust,” still he was enabled to say, “the Lord gave, the Lord taketh away, blessed be the name of the Lord.” But besides a duty of resignation, his discourse, on that event, finely illustrates the publick and private character of Washington. It is also replete with instruction, both on moral and political subjects. It shows the necessity of civil institutions; the necessity of restraints from civil law, as well as the duty of civil obedience ; all which are forcibly inculcated; while a vein of unaffected piety runs throughout the whole.

While he was chaplain, his duty compelled him to relinquish the pastoral charge of his people at Beverly. Accordingly he was amicably dismissed from that people in the year 1780.— Soon after that event, he occasionally preached in Providence, when he had leisure from the duty of the camp. The first congregational church and society, in this place, were so much charmed with his preaching, so much delighted with his doctrines, and his character as a servant of Christ, that they earnestly gave him a call to become their Pastor. His feelings told him he was sincerely called, and we hope and trust, called of God, “as was Aaron,” to the high and responsible office of priesthood. With humility he obeyed the call, accepted the office of Pastor, and was installed minister of that society on the first day of October, A. D. 1783. In this office, beloved by his flock, he continued for nearly twenty years, till the 26th day of February, A. D. 1803, when he departed this life, regretted by all, in the 59th year of his age, and expiring said “I sleep in Jesus.”

As we before observed, we do not rank him with those who possess the greatest talents; but we may with those who possess the most useful. While in the performance of his ministerial duties in this town, he not only promoted with all his power the best interests of the religion he professed, but he never let pass an opportunity of rendering unto society any other essential benefit. The education of youth, in a particular manner, occupied his attention. Impressed with the necessity of early and good education, he was always foremost in the establishment of institutions for that purpose. He was the first “who led the way” to the establishment of free schools in this State, and to procure an act to be passed the Legislature for that purpose. The wisdom of design, and the benevolent execution of this plan, will always be remembered with gratitude and love. ‘Thousands of poor and orphan children, who otherwise would have been left to the uncertainty of chance, or to the frigid support of extorted alms, even for those first rudiments, which are necessary, in the unshapen beginning, in the Aurora of the mind, must now always remember his spirited and noble exertions for its2 establishment, with the most thankful hearts.

How must, also, many a useful citizen feel, when he discovers that to the exertions of this philanthropist, he owes all his importance, all his reputation in society, and all his ability to be useful to his fellow-beings. Surely his soul will cling to his memory, as humble repentance does to the remembrance of forgiving mercy.—His remembrance “being written within the book and volume of the brain,” he will not, he cannot forget him.

But the exertions Doctor Hitchcock made to establish free schools, and to promote the education of youth, constitute by no means the most valuable part of his character. Notwithstanding he was a friend to youth, he was a greater friend to manhood and old age. In the language of Dr. Tappan, who preached his funeral discourse, “he laboured with great zeal to promote brotherly union among christians, and ministers of different denominations. For this purpose he introduced and eagerly cherished stated friendly meetings—one embracing the several clergymen of this town—another, the pastors and other leading members of the various christian communions. The result of these and similar measures, was the growth of mutual esteem, and confidence of religious candour and fellowship, with all their lovely and happy effects. He was also distinguished by habitual and active benevolence. This he exemplified in his warm and steady friendship, in his generous and cheerful hospitality; in his kind and soothing offices to the sick and afflicted; in his tender and liberal donations to the needy; in large contributions to publick and pious uses. The same spirit remarkably adorned and endeared his domestick conduct. His affectionate and unceasing attention to his amiable consort, amid her long continued bodily infirmities; his paternal goodness, living and dying, to his adopted child; the benevolent patronage which he afforded to other connexions; his humane and condescending behaviour to his servants, especially to a faithful African, whom his kindness redeemed from bondage and exceedingly attached to his person and service—these facts are striking monuments of his excellent disposition.”

“His discourses from the desk,” says the same pious divine, “were chiefly occupied in explaining and urging evangelical faith and repentance, goodness and charity, and the whole train of christian virtues, as recommended by the example of our divine Master, and enforced by the gracious and sublime discoveries of his gospel. The style of his compositions was perspicuous, neat and correct.” “The closing scene of his life gave an impressive display of the force and excellence of his christian principles. It exhibited that patient resignation to the will of God; that triumph over pain and death; that comforting anticipation of future glory which the spirit and hope of the gospel are fitted to inspire.” But his exertions to promote the interests of religion may be considered the most valuable. He not only exerted himself in the pulpit, in private meetings and families, to promote the gospel, but he gave more than six thousand dollars to the first congregational church in Providence, for the support of a christian ministry. Such a noble enthusiasm in the cause of religion and virtue, must always be remembered with gratitude and joy, and we hope will have tendency to induce others to do likewise.

Very soon after his settlement in Providence, he was elected into the fellowship of Rhode-Island College, (now Brown University) and in that important office rendered very essential services to that seminary of learning. He very often suggested to the professors and tutors, useful plans for government and instruction: in fact, very few were so adequate in devising ways and means “to teach the young idea how to shoot,” or to direct the mind into the most useful channel.

His conversation in private circles was always pleasant, but never light. He had a great idea of dignity of character on all occasions; of course he never allowed his manners or conversation to be tinctured with any thing that was light or trivial.—Perhaps his invariable dignified deportment was considered by some as originating in pride, but those who best knew him, were convinced it arose from a desire of being exemplary in all his conduct. The influence of example he thought to be great, and 80 far as his example might go, he was determined it should be good.

He was a member of the society of Cincinnati; and very few, with more warmth, “espoused the fraternal, humane and publick views of their institution.” In fact, in whatever light we view him, we find much to admire, and little or nothing to condemn. We therefore hold him up to our readers, and to the world at large, as a man, though not great, yet useful—as a man whose conduct through life was governed by honest and upright principles. He published several small but useful treatises on different subjects; and one treatise in particular, entitled, “An answer to the question, why do you observe the rite commonly called the Lord’s Supper?” certainly possesses considerable merit. He forcibly sets forth the reasons for celebrating that christian ordinance—elucidates the nature of the institution, and its use and design, while he portrays the temper and character the communicant ought to possess, to render his attendance upon it, a “service acceptable to God,” or profitable to himself. He also explains the subject in such a manner as to remove the doubts and scruples which arise in many minds, “from St. Paul’s strictures on the licentious conduct of the Corinthians.” This reproof of St. Paul has undoubtedly detered many well meaning persons from coming to the table, for fear they should eat and drink unworthily, and thereby be “guilty of the body and blood of Christ;” but from his explanation, “there is nothing in the nature of this institution to excite fearful apprehensions, nor any thing in the words, the time, or circumstances of its original appointment, that can deter any person of sober life and conversation from it.” This treatise is written in very plain and simple style, adapted to the capacity of any reader. The subject is well digested, and arranged with method: and although the arguments may not be thought conclusive by some, they must, nevertheless have great weight with all: in fact, they are generally supported by texts from scripture. It is a subject, however, about which a great deal has been said and written: we therefore forbear to make any comment; we only wish to state what were his impressions. We are sensible it has been a subject about which different sects in religion have entertained widely different opinions, about which there has been much disputation. According to our regulations therefore, we must hold ourselves aloof from espousing any particular sect, or advancing any doctrine which may be considered polemical.

He also published “a serious address to communicants, with some short meditations, devotional exercises of heart, and forms of prayer, suitable for the communion season.” This short treatise also possesses merit.—It shews his own temper of mind, and the disposition of his heart, towards that God on whom he humbly relied, in all situations in life, as well as the necessary temper of all, in the communion season. But perhaps his own words would best show what that temper was, and what the disposition of his heart. “While I adore,” says he, “the goodness of God, as, displayed in man’s redemption, let. me. consider my own meanness and unworthiness; and while I receive the symbols of a crucified Saviour, let me consider how, often I have crucified the son of God afresh, and put him to open shame. Often has he been wounded in the house of his friends. Should God be strict to mark iniquity, I cannot answer. His mercy is the ground of my hope—Christ hath begotten us to a lively hope. He is the author both of life and hope to the penitent believer. The brightness and strength of this hope is observed by the imperfection of my faith and obedience. Under a sense of my transgression let me now bow before the Lord, and: with an humble, penitent soul, seek his face and favour, that the elements now before me, may be made effectual to the end of their appointment.” In fact, the whole of this address is very well written; and when read in a proper frame. of mind, cannot fail of having very beneficial effects, It cannot fail “to wake the soul” and “mend the heart,” while. it will enlarge our knowledge of the meaning of that sacred: ordinance, the Lord’s Supper.

We now will close this. article with one or two remarks.— Although we do not wish to impress our readers with an idea that Dr. Hitchcock had no faults or weaknesses of character; on the contrary, we are willing to allow, that like other men, he had frailties—no one is perfect—but from the best information, derived from those who knew him. perfectly, we are warranted in saying he had no particular weakness, unless the desire he had to be considered an author, might be one. He published some books which did not meet with much success in this country, although they were handsomely spoken of by European. reviewers: but we will not praise or condemn them; we merely state. the fact as it is, as we are bound to do, in giving a faithful outline of his character. We shall only remark, that if he had faults, they are lost in the blaze of his excellencies—they are mere trifling spots, which cannot, which ought not a moment to obscure the brightness of his reputation.
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1 Yes, the princely soul of our beloved Washington has taken its flight! he is no longer disturbed by the concussions of our jarring elements. The Heavens opened wide their huge portals to receive his pure and ennobled spirit; angels hail him welcome to his native seat; the immense temple of God becomes the place of his residence forever. He has ceased from his labours, but his virtues will long live. The inscription on the lofty marble will for a long time inform the inquisitive traveller—Here lies the venerable chief—“first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen.” ‘The monumental inscription shall mouldering time efface; but his heroick and benevolent deeds are recorded on the tablet of the heart—while man lives, they will live—so long as virtue has a name, they will be admired; yea, his justly acquired fame shall survive the wreck of nature, and wreaths of glory crown his head when time shall be no more.
(Dr. Hitchcock's funeral discourse on the death of Washington.)

2 Our readers will pardon us if we embrace this opportunity to render to the town of Providence a tribute which is justly their due. Notwithstanding the act of the Legislature, entitled “An act to establish free schools,” the only publick act we believe ever passed in this State for the encouragement of education, was repealed, still the town of Providence, in their corporate capacity, governed by a policy which does honour to the hearts and to the wisdom of its citizens, would not relinquish the motives and the provisions of the act. And they still continue to pay, out of their own treasury, about four thousand dollars annually, for the support of free schools. Such conduct as this we deem worthy of the highest praise, as it is of the greatest reward: and we have no doubt the town of Providence will reap a just compensation, in the superiour value and worth of its citizens, which such policy cannot fail to promote. Such conduct as this we deem worthy of imitation, and we hope the virtuous and patriotick throughout our little State will follow the example.

SOURCE: “A Sketch of the Life and Character of the Late Rev. ENOS HITCHCOCK, D. D. Pastor of the First Congregational Church in Providence,” The Rhode Island Literary Repository, Vol. 1, No. 6, September 1814, pp. 283-92

Wednesday, June 24, 2026

Journal of Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Kemble, Wednesday June 9, 1773

At 12 o'Clock sailed from New York with a small Breeze at N. W. At one past by the Man of War at the Watering Place, who Saluted us as did the Fort George, and Artillery at the General's Embarking,* at two P. M. our Pilot and several Gentlemen of N. Y. left us without Sandy Hook with a small Air of Wind at N. W. set Royalls, Steering Sails on all sides &c. at 8. P. M. the Neversink bore N. W. 7 or 8 leagues distance. Wind E. very light air of Wind and flattering, all sail set. Wind E. S. E. At 4 A. M. in steering sails, flattering from the East. Set Stay sails fore and aft, flattering cloudy weather and small sea, at Meridian Tackt to the East, thick weather. Distance 69. No observation. Lat. 39.33. Long. in 72.55.
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* New York, Thursday, June 10. On Tuesday about eleven o'clock, his Excellency the Hon. General Gage, with his Lady, their son and two daughters, Miss Morris, Major Sheriffe, and the Captains Kemble and Dobson, embarked on board the Ship Earl of Dunmore, Capt. Lawrence, for London. The Royal Artillery were under arms, and saluted his Excellency with 17 guns, a great company of Gentlemen attended his Excellency to the ship, expressing in very fervent terms, their wishes of safety and felicity to this most valuable and sincerely beloved personage, his truly amiable Lady and Family. — Rivington's N. Y. Gazettcer, June 10, 1773, No. 8.

The General was attended by the principal officers of the Army, to the Waterside, at Murray's Wharf near the Coffee House, where a Company of the Royal Artillery, under Arms waited his coming. As soon as the Ship got under sail, he was saluted by 19 Discharges of 2 Field Pieces, belonging to the Artillery; and as he passed the Battery by the like Number from thence. The N. Y. Journal, June 10, 1773, No. 1588.

SOURCE: New York Historical Society, Publisher, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1883: The Kemble Papers, Vol. 1 1773-1789, p. 1

Journal of Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Kemble, Thursday June 10, 1773

Wind S. B. E. in Top G. S. fresh Breeze and thick unsettled Weather. S. R. T. S. in stay sails. Wind South, D. R. T. S. in Jibb. and Mizn. T. S. Strong breeze and thick Weather, large head sea rising. Strong Gales with thick and Rain, high sea going, Ship a good deal of water, hard Rain, Thunder and Lightning from the West. Wind S. W. flattering with high sea and much Rain, ship labouring a good deal, at Meridian, almost Calm, thick Weather and Rain. Distance 134. No Observation Lat. 39.26. Long. 70.1.

SOURCE: New York Historical Society, Publisher, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1883: The Kemble Papers, Vol. 1 1773-1789, p. 2

Journal of Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Kemble, Friday June 11, 1773

Wind W. N. W. Light Airs and flattering with Cloudy unsettled Weather and high Sea from S. E. Quarter, at 4 P. M. set T. G. Sails Driver &c. Wind N. W. variable and flattering with much Rain and large head Sea going, in steering sails. Wind N. set stay Sails fore and aft, set Steering Sails below and aloft Royalls &c. Wind N. W. at Meridian flattering and small Air of wind inclining to S. W. Shifted steering sails. Distance 97. Lat. Observed 38.45. Long. 68.7.

SOURCE: New York Historical Society, Publisher, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1883: The Kemble Papers, Vol. 1 1773-1789, p. 2

Journal of Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Kemble, Saturday June 12, 1773

Wind S. W. almost Calm, with a large swell from the S. E. Quarter. Wind W. B. S. in Royals and Mizzn. T. G. S. set Larbd. lower Steering Sail. Wind W. handed F. T. G. Sail. Squally with Rain, in Steering sails and driver. Wind W. N. W. Set Steering sails and driver, Set Royals, T. G. Steering Sails, Mizn. T. S. &c. Wind N. W. At Meridian Pleasant little Breeze and clear with all Sail set. Distance 155. Lat. observed 39.9. Long. 64.50.

SOURCE: New York Historical Society, Publisher, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1883: The Kemble Papers, Vol. 1 1773-1789, p. 2

Journal of Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Kemble, Sunday June 13, 1773

Winds variable, small air and inclining to the East, and flattering weather. Saw Brig to the Northward standing to the Southward, in Steering sails, tacked to the N. E. Wind S. S. E. Calm and Clouding, Clewed all up. Small Air from the N. E. Wind N. B. E., variable and flattering, swell from the S. E. Quarter, in T. G. Sails. Wind E. B. N. Pleasant weather and small Air of Wind, set T. G. sails. Distance 35. Lat. observed 39.9. Long. 64.5.

SOURCE: New York Historical Society, Publisher, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1883: The Kemble Papers, Vol. 1 1773-1789, p. 2

Journal of Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Kemble, Monday June 14, 1773

Wind E. N. E. Light Airs of wind and flattering inclining to Calm, with clear Weather, swell from the S. E. Quarter. Calm. Small breeze from the Southward, made Sail. Wind S. B. E. set T. G. S. Royall's, &c. Squally in Royalls, at Meridian thick Weather and much Rain, in Driver. Distance 60. Lat. observed 39.13. Long. 62.47.

SOURCE: New York Historical Society, Publisher, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1883: The Kemble Papers, Vol. 1 1773-1789, p. 3

Journal of Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Kemble, Tuesday June 15, 1773

Wind W. N. W. Fresh of a sudden from W. N. W., with a hard shower of Rain, then clear Weather, set Steering sails, driver &c. set stay sails fore and aft. Small breeze and pleasant Weather, set Royalls also T. G. steering sails, Water Sail &c. At Meridan Pleasant little breeze and fine Weather with smooth Sea, all Sail set. Current setting to the Southward. Distance 132. Lat. observed 39.50. Long. 59.58.

SOURCE: New York Historical Society, Publisher, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1883: The Kemble Papers, Vol. 1 1773-1789, p. 3

Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1, 1776

No. I. Minutes of a Journal by ISAAC BANGS; begun April 1, 1776.

HAVING been in the Service of the united Colonies as a Lieut in Capt. Benjamin Godfrey's Company in Coln Carys Regiment of Militia for about 2 months, in which many glorious Achievements were performed and great Glory added to the Arms of the Americans by the Expulsion of the Ministerial Army from their Strong Holds in Boston, in which, according to my Station, I did my proportion of the fatigueing Duty which was requisite to perform the Manœuver which has brought an eternal shame and Disgrace upon the British Arms, I was fired with an ardent Zeal to be farther instrumental in the glorious Cause in which America is now engaged. With this View I entered Coln John Bailey's Regiment as a Lieut to Capt Jacob Allen. In some future Time it may perhaps afford Pleasure to recollect past Toils; and being sensible of the Treachery of my Memory in recollecting past Events, I think it advisable to keep a few Minutes to assist a bad Memory (made worse by the Combustion of an Army) in bringing to Mind past Events. But before I enter upon this I must give a short detail of the Inducements that first brought me to the Army, & of some of the material Events and Circumstances which happened during my continuance in Coln Cary's Regiment. The Ministerial Army had for a long time (Viz., ever since the Battle of Lexington, on the 19th of April, 1775) been invested by the American Army, which kept them closely confined to their Quarters in Boston, during which Time many and Various Manœuvers were practised on both sides to annoy their Enemies, the Circumstances of which it is not my Design to relate.

In the begins of January, 1775, it was thought best, if possible, to drive them from their Fortresses; & as the Lines of our Army were from necessity of a vast extent, & as it was of infinite Importance that each part should be well maintained, General Washington thought the American Army not sufficient to maintain the Lines, and at the same time to act offensively upon the Enemy. He applied to the Colonies of New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Massachusetts Bay for a part of the Militia of each Province. The Proportion required & voted by the Assembly of this Province was 4,368 Men. Among these I inlisted about 30 of Jan.; and according to the Inlisting Orders we proceeded to chuse our Officers, and proceeded to Head Quarters. The Men which constituted our Company were chiefly from the Town of Chatham, — a very civil Set of People, with whom I lived very Quietly. On our arrival at Roxbury we found (by the Negligence of the Barrack Master) that no Barracks were provided for the Melitia. Our Company turned in at Roxbury Street for about 4 days, in old Houses & Cellars; but as we could no longer stand it thus Barracked, & finding no Confidence could be put in their Promises for better Barracks, we made complaint to our Colonels, and were by the Quarter Master provided for in Houses in Dorchester, about 4 Miles Distance, where we continued 9 Days; during which Time great Preparations were making for some new Enterprize, such as Fashienes, Gaboreenes, Barracks ready Framed, & boards cut. All immagined that Dorchester Hill was the Object of our Attention. This Hill is Situate South from Boston about a Mile & an Half, and by Nature seemed formed for the Command of Boston; & not only so, but it commanded a place called Nook Point, about Half way from that place to Boston, — a most convenient place for either Bombarding or Cannonading the Town of Boston. Our Enemies had been long determined to take possession of these Places, as they not only prevent our taking them, but would also be an advantageous Scituation for a Part of their Army. The deep Frost prevented our proceeding till the Evening of the 4 of March, when about 21 Hundred men from Genls Spencer's & Thomas Brigades (which were both stationed at Roxbury), all things being prepared & previously conveyed to the Causeway that leads to the Neck on which the Hill stands, proceeded at about 8 o'clock in the Evening to work upon the Hills, and were relieved at 3 the next Morning by the rest part of our two Brigades, consisting of about 25 Hundred, besides 500 Rifle Men from Cambridge & Roxbury. But here I must not leave unnoticed a grand piece of Generalship which preceded our going upon the Hills. On the Evening of the 2 of March the General (knowing all things were nearly prepared for the Work) gave Orders for begining a Cannonading & Bombardment of the Town, in order to divert the Enemy that they need not be mistrustfull of our Scheeme, as they would possibly if they had notice of our proceedings either annoy us while working with their Cannon or perhaps might come out with their Army before the Work was finished. The Cannonading & Bombarding began from Prospect Hill about 12 o'clock in the Night of the 2 of March, as also from Leechmore's Point, from the Fortress on Cobble Hill, & from the Lines at Roxbury; the enemy Returned the Compliment to the Former Places, but as they had previously removed their Cannon (as we afterwards immagin'd) from their Lines on the Neck, they were not so Complaisant to us at Roxbury. I must also here observe that the day before this the General ordered all the Forces that for conveniency were stationed back to be removed down to the Lines as nigh as possible, and that in consequence of this our Company was that day removed and Barracked in one of the Out Houses of what is called the Hutchinson House, near the Line that separateth Roxbury from Dorchester. A Room was provided for the Officers near by, and we thaught ourselves happy in being so well provided for in such a Croud of both officers and men. In the Eveng of the 3d the rout began again, and we at Roxbury found that they were not so neglectfull of us as on the night before.

In the Evening of the 4th, as I before mentioned, our Men went upon the Hill to work, upon which a more Furious Fire was began than ever, and returned by the Enemy with eaqual Vigour, chiefly upon Roxbury, not mistrusting our People upon the Hill, though it was a very Light Moonshine Evening. 23 Men from our Company went this Evening, and I had a warrant to parrade at 3 in the Morning to go with the Relief. Being anxious to see the Proceedings on both sides, I went to a small Battery of ours a little out of the Direction of their Shot and Bombs, where I tarried about two Hours, & thaught myself Safe; for as the aforesaid Battery was made no use of by us they took no Notice of it, but it being something nigh the Range of our Right Hand Fort, their Shot which were aimed at that fort passed about 200 yards to the Westward of me, here I could see 4 & sometimes 5 of their Boms flying in the Air at a Time, aimed at the Right Hand Fort that they fell about 1/8 of a Mile distance. At Length a Shot which fell near the Fort by its fall took a different direction and came immediately where I was standing; it hopped after its first Falling about 4 times, & if it had hoped again before it broke, as its Velocity was diminishing, it would have come, as near as I can judge, to the very Spot where I was; it broke about 25 Yard Distance, and one of the Pieces came with great rapidity about 2 Yards above my Head. The Fire still continued; but at about 3, when the Relieves of every Regiment to parade, God so ordered it that their Fire was a little abated, or in all probability they must have killed more of us, — one Lieut. Mayo being the only Man hurt; he had his thigh Shot off, of which he died the next Day. Upon our arrival upon the Hills (for we took possession of 2 by building Forts), I was prodigiously surprised to find the Vast works that had been carried on in so little Time. We relieved them, and they got off without being discovered by the Enemy, which was no small Favour both in our coming on & their going off, as the Causeway over which we had to pass was greatly exposed to their Fire from their Works on the Neck. When the Enemy discovered us in ye Morning they ceased firing upon Roxbury, and must be much shagriened to find they had fired so intently upon Roxbury when the Men were as they thought mostly on the Hills.

We expected a Salute immediately from their Ships in the Harbour as also from their Works, and they must have greatly annoyed us had they fired when our Forts were thus weak, being then little besides Fashiens about 6 Feet thick. However this was not their disign. They fired a few Shot upon us as we were seting the Fatigue Partys, and brok 6 or 8 small arms in our Rigiment; but as their Balls struck chiefly before they reached us, we could avoid them. The Enemy Imbarqued on Board Transports about 11 o'clock, and were to have landed (as we after found) upon the Point under cover of the Shiping & of the Castle the next Night; why they had not done it that Day, if ever they intended it, God only knows. For my part, I should have been willing to have receivd them either by night or Day, as we had a tolerable cover from Musquetry, and as to their Field Pieces they could not have brought them to bear because of the Sciatuation of the ground. Had they been so rash they would in all probability have found the 5th of March, 1776, more Bloody on their Side than Preston made the same Day in 17701 on ours. In fine, I cant think it was ever their design more than to make a Parade. But they have a good excuse, for about 11 at night the most violent Storm of Wind & Rain mixed with Snow & Hail arose that ever I was exposed to. Having nothing to cover us excepting Apple Trees, wee stood it out till about 5 in the Morning, when wee were relievd. What I suffered this night I shall ever bear in mind, therefore need not here mention it. Had the enemy have been so foolish as to have attacked us upon the Hills, our People to the amount of about 5,000 Men stood by their Boats at Cambridge and were to have made a descent upon Boston, which they must have easily carried, as I since learn that Genl How at the Head of the Remainder of his Troops was to have made an attack upon our Lines at Roxbury. Had this been the Case, what a woefull Scituation must he have been in, even if he had forced the Lines with our Forces on each Side!

When the Forts were a little finished our People began to make preparations for Nooke Point, before mentioned, by carting Fashienes, &c., in the Face of the Day as nigh the Place as the Scituation would allow (there being a Mire betweene that & the Forts). This place is about Mile distant from the Centre of the Town, and as convenient a place as could even have been wished for from which to through Bombs to the Town. The Enemy, discovring our Motions by this imprudent Step, concluded that we should be at work that Night, therefore the[y] began a most Heavy Fire from the Shipping in the Harbour, from several of the Wharves, & from several Batteries; such a Firing was never before heard in New England. They killd 4 Men with one Ball, which was all the Dammage they did us; and the next morning we picked up 700 Balls that they had fired upon us. The next night being the 17th of March, all things being in Readiness, we erected a small Breast Work on the aforesaid Point without being discoverd by the Enemy till Day Light next Morning, when they began a most severe canonading from their Works upon the Neck; but being unable to affect any thing to our Damage, they made a Most precipitate retreat, leaving the chief of the Effects of the Inhabitants unhurt, tho they Dammaged many Houses and much furniture. They left behind them three excellent Mortars, many Bombs, and about 200 Cannon, the most of which were heavy Pieces all spiked up, and about 100 of them having their Trunnions broke of. Thus was the British Army routed from a Fortress which they were sufferred peaceably to build, of the Strength of which they used to make such boastings; and also from the Bunker Hill, which cost them at least the Lives of 1,800 Men, besides the vast Labour & Expense they had bestowed to erect & defend it.

Immediately upon their Retreat we entered the Town with part of the Forces from Roxbury by Land & some considerable Force from Cambridge by Water. We found the Works upon the Neck entire, the Cannon spiked up & the Shells chiefly split, & many of the Cannon Carriages cut to pieces. These Lines upon the Neck were handsomely built & so amazingly strong that it would have been impracticable for us to have forced them. The other Works were not so well constructed as I immagined wee should have found them; especially at the Bottom of the Common & on Beacon Hill they appeared to be ill constructed & design'd for little but to frighten us. The Enemy embarqued in boats & joined the Fleet, which had chiefly quited the Harbour, & fell down to Nantascet from our first building upon the Hills, some few of the Men of War & Transports for the Tories only excepted, who remained to cover the Town. The Admiral finding we had built upon Nook Point & another small Hill, both of which were advantageously scituated to rake the Harbour, thought he could with no degree of Safety tarry any longer ; wherefore he sent to General Howe acquainting him that he was about to quit the Harbour. This, it is said, hastened the General's Retreat, or he would probably have taken his artilery with him. They left no Powder behind them, but we could plainly see where they burnt vast Quantities of that valuable article; could they have affected the Destruction of their Artilery with as much dispatch, no doubt they would have done it. Quere, Whether it would not be wisdom in the Parliament of England to offer a large Premium to the Person that shall contrive a method to annihilate Cannon, Mortars, Bombs, &c., in a Short space of Time; otherwise the Rebels will soon furnish themselves with a Stock of these articles without being put to the Trouble of making them Themselves.

The Inhabitants that were friendly to America still continued in Boston, except Mr. James Lovell, whom they carried of with their other Prisoners. He bore his Fate, & attended the Summons that called him as a Prisoner to quit his native Land & all that was dear to him with that Courage & Resignation which only attend the Virtuous, Wise, & Brave.
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1 The Boston Massacre.

SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, pp. 7-14

Tuesday, June 23, 2026

Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, January 1775

At the precise period when my medical studies and education are completed, under the patronage of Dr. Abner Hersey of Barnstable, and I am contemplating the commencement of a new career in life, I find our country about to be involved in all the horrors of a civil war. A series of arbitrary and oppressive measures, on the part of the mother country, has long been advancing to that awful crisis, when an appeal to the power of the sword becomes inevitable. The event of this mighty struggle i

s to decide an affair of infinite magnitude, not merely as it respects the present generation, but as it will affect the welfare and happiness of unborn millions. The great fundamental principle, in the present controversy, is the right which is claimed by the Parliament of Great Britian, to exercise dominion, as the only supreme, and uncontrollable legislative power over all the American Colonies. "Can they make laws to bind the colonies in all cases whatever; levy taxes on them without their consent; dispose of the revenues, thus raised, without their control; multiply officers at pleasure, and assign them fees, to be paid without, nay, contrary to and in direct violation of acts of our Provincial Assemblies and approved by the crown? Can they enlarge the power of admiralty courts; divert the usual channels of justice; deprive the colonists of trial by a jury of their countrymen; in short, break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies." Then indeed are we reduced to a state of abject slavery; and all resistance to acts of Parliament may justly be called by the name of treason and rebellion. "The people of these colonies consider themselves as British subjects, entitled to all the rights and privileges of Freemen. It is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally or by their representatives. From their local circumstances, the colonies cannot be represented in the house of commons of Great Britain; the only representatives of the people of the colonies are the persons chosen therein by themselves; and no taxes ever can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures." All acts of Parliament therefore, for raising a revenue in America, are considered as depriving us of our property, without our consent, and consequently as a palpable infringement of our ancient rights and privileges. They are unconstitutional and arbitrary laws, subversive of the liberties and privileges secured to us by our royal charters. It is not consistent with the principles which actuate the American people, ever tamely to submit to such a degrading system of government; not however from a want of loyalty to our king, nor from an undue impatience of subordination or legal restraint; for in a quiet submission and demeanor to constitutional authority, and in zeal and attachment to our king, we dare to vie with any of our fellow subjects of Great Britain; but it is an innate love of liberty, and our just rights, that impels us to the arduous struggle. In no country, it is asserted, is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights inherent to freemen more generally diffused, or better understood, than among the British American Colonies. Our religious and political privileges are derived from our virtuous fathers; they were inhaled with our earliest breath; and are, and will I trust ever be, implanted and cherished in the bosom of the present and future generations. These are the prevalent sentiments in New England at this eventful crisis, and all the other provinces, Georgia excepted, are known to be in unison with us in the resolution, to oppose with all our power every violation of our just rights and privileges. We are not however authorized, even in the most glorious of causes, to expect a perfect unanimity among a people. Numerous are the springs of men's actions; and diversity of sentiment and views are characteristic of human nature. Accordingly we find a small minority in our country who are inimical to the common cause, and who are continually opposing every proceeding of the majority. These people are doubtless actuated by various motives; a few, comparatively, influenced by principle; some by a spirit of timidity, or the absurd doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance; others, from the strength of their passions, and weakness of judgment, are biassed and led astray by designing demagogues. There are, however, those who are vile enough to prostrate all honor and principle with the sordid view of office and preferment,

"For 'tis their duty, all the learned think,

T'espouse that cause by which they eat and drink."

Those disaffected individuals, who still adhere to the royal cause, have received the epithet of Tories; the very name is extremely abhorrent to the people in general, and they are subjected to such rigorous discipline as to prevent them from doing injury to the great cause of our country. The great majority of the people are happily united in the resolution to oppose, to the uttermost, the wicked attempts of the English cabinet. This class of people have assumed the appellation of Whigs; but by our enemies are stigmatized by the name of Rebels. If, as we affirm, the British government have ceased to rule agreeably to the principles of our constitution, and our royal charter, and have assumed to themselves the high prerogative of despotic sway, then are we absolved from our allegiance and duties as British subjects. A contract abrogated by one party can no longer be binding on the other. If we are menaced with royal power and authority, we justify ourselves in defending our indefeasible rights against despotism and tyrannical oppression. Cowards alone will bend to unjust power, and slaves and sycophants only will yield both soul and body to the disposal of tyrannical masters. Should our efforts, under God, be crowned with the desired success, we shall obtain the honor of rescuing ourselves and posterity from vassalage; but if compelled to succumb under royal power, then will ours be the rebel's fate, the scaffold and the gibbet will be glutted with their devoted victims. We cannot justly be accused of a rash precipitance of proceeding; for petitions and memorials, couched in the most loyal and humble language, have been at various periods presented to our royal sovereign, and his parliament, praying for a redress of grievances; but they are deaf to all our complaints and supplications, and the coercive arm of power is suspended over us, threatening implacable vengeance.

Among the odious acts of the British Parliament they passed one which imposed a duty on the article of tea, and several cargoes of this commodity were shipped to America to obtain the duty and a market. On the arrival of the tea ships at Boston great indignation was excited among the people; town meetings were called to devise some legal measures to prohibit the landing of the odious article. It was universally understood that if the tea was once landed, and stored, it would by some means come to a market and the duty to the government would be secured. In order to defeat this object a number of persons in disguise entered the ships at the wharves, broke open 342 chests of tea, and discharged their contents into the water at the dock. This was on the 16th December, 1773. When intelligence of this summary proceeding reached England, it was condemned by the government as enormously criminal. They menaced our Province with the most exemplary vengeance, and Parliament soon passed the Boston Vindictive Port Bill as a part of their coercive system, so that merely the name of tea is now associated with ministerial grievances, and tea drinking is almost tantamount to an open avowal of toryism. Those who are anxious to avoid the odious epithet of enemies to their country, strictly prohibit the use of tea in their families, and the most squeamish ladies are compelled to have recourse to substitutes, or secretly steal indulgence in their favorite East India beverage.

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 9-13

Diary of Anna Rawle, October 22, 1781

Second day. The first thing I heard this morning was that Lord Cornwallis had surrendered to the French and Americans—intelligence as surprizing as vexatious. People who are so stupidly regardless of their own interests are undeserving of compassion, but one cannot help lamenting that the fate of so many worthy persons should be connected with the failure or success of the British army. Uncle Howell1 came in soon after breakfast, and tho' he is neither Whig nor Tory, looked as if he had sat up all night; he was glad to see all here so cheerful, he said. When he was gone Ben Shoemaker2 arrived; he was told it as he came along, and was astonished. However, as there is no letter from Washington, we flatter ourselves that it is not true.
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1 Joshua Howell, who had married Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker's sister Catharine, daughter of Edward and Anna (Coleman) Warner.

2 Benjamin Shoemaker, son of Samuel Shoemaker by his first wife Hannah, daughter of Samuel Carpenter the second, by his wife Hannah, daughter of Samuel Preston. Benjamin Shoemaker married Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker's sister, Elizabeth Warner.

SOURCE: “A Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 104

Diary of Anna Rawle, October 24, 1781

Fourth day. I feel in a most unsettled humour. I can neither read, work or give my attention one moment to anything. It is too true that Cornwallis is taken. Tilghman is just arrived with dispatches from Washington which confirm it. B. S. came here and shewed us some papers; long conversations we often have together on the melancholy situation of things.

SOURCE: “A Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 104

Diary of Anna Rawle, October 25, 1781

Fifth day. I suppose, dear Mammy, thee would not have imagined this house to be illuminated last night, but it was. A mob surrounded it, broke the shutters and the glass of the windows, and were coming in, none but forlorn women here. We for a time listened for their attacks in fear and trembling till, finding them grow more loud and violent, not knowing what to do, we ran into the yard. Warm Whigs of one side, and Hartley's1 of the other (who were treated even worse than we), rendered it impossible for us to escape that way. We had not been there many minutes before we were drove back by the sight of two men climbing the fence. We thought the mob were coming in thro' there, but it proved to be Coburn and Bob. Shewell, who called to us not to be frightened, and fixed lights up at the windows, which pacified the mob, and after three huzzas they moved off. A number of men came in afterwards to see us. French and J. B. nailed boards up at the broken pannels, or it would not have been safe to have gone to bed. Coburn and Shewell were really very kind; had it not been for them I really believe the house would have been pulled down. Even the firm Uncle Fisher2 was obliged to submit to have his windows illuminated, for they had pickaxes and iron bars with which they had done considerable injury to his house, and would soon have demolished it had not some of the Hodges3 and other people got in back and acted as they pleased. All Uncle's sons were out, but Sammy,4 and if they had been at home it was in vain to oppose them. In short it was the most alarming scene I ever remember. For two hours we had the disagreeable noise of stones banging about, glass crashing, and the tumultuous voices of a large body of men, as they were a long time at the different houses in the neighbourhood. At last they were victorious, and it was one general illumination throughout the town. As we had not the pleasure of seeing any of the gentlemen in the house, nor the furniture cut up, and goods stolen, nor been beat, nor pistols pointed at our breasts, we may count our sufferings slight compared to many others. Mr. Gibbs was obliged to make his escape over a fence, and while his wife was endeavouring to shield him from the rage of one of the men, she received a violent bruise in the breast, and a blow in the face which made her nose bleed. Ben. Shoemaker was here this morning; tho' exceedingly threatened he says he came off with the loss of four panes of glass. Some Whig friends put candles in the windows which made his peace with the mob, and they retired. John Drinker5 has lost half the goods out of his shop and been beat by them; in short the sufferings of those they pleased to style Tories would fill a volume and shake the credulity of those who were not here on that memorable night, and to-day Philadelphia makes an uncommon appearance, which ought to cover the Whigs with eternal confusion. A neighbour of ours had the effrontery to tell Mrs. G. that he was sorry for her furniture, but not for her windows—a ridiculous distinction that many of them make. J. Head has nothing left whole in his parlour. Uncle Penington6 lost a good deal of window-glass. Aunt Burge7 preserved hers thro' the care of some of her neighbours. The Drinkers and Walns make heavy complaints of the Carolinians in their neighbourhood. Walns' pickles were thrown about the streets and barrells of sugar stolen. Grandmammy was the most composed of anybody here. Was I not sure, my dearest Mother, that you would have very exaggerated accounts of this affair from others, and would probably be uneasy for the fate of our friends, I would be entirely silent about it, but as you will hear it from some one or another, not mentioning it will seem as if we had suffered exceedingly, and I hope I may depend on the safety of this opportunity.

People did nothing to-day but condole and enquire into each others honourable losses. Amongst a great variety who were here was Aunt Rawle;8 next to her sisters this was the family, she said, whom she felt most interested for; her visit was quite unexpected. Uncle and Aunt Howell9 went from here to Edgely this morning. Aunt Betsy to tea. Becky Fisher and her brother in the evening.
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1 James Hartley, merchant.

2 William Fisher, merchant, who married Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker's aunt, Sarah (Coleman). He also lived in Arch Street between Front and Second Streets. He was a member of the Common Council of Philadelphia from 1767 to 1770, of the Board of Aldermen from 1770 to the fall of the Charter government in 1776, and Mayor of the City 1773-1774.

3 Andrew and Hugh Hodge, merchants.

4 The late Samuel W. Fisher, President of the Philadelphia Insurance Company, and President of Select Council 1811-1813.

5 "October 19. Ye 17th of this month, October, Gen1 Cornwallis was taken, for which we grievously suffered on ye 24th, by way of rejoicing. A mob assembled about 7 o'clock or before, and continued their insults until near 10, to those whose Houses were not illuminated. Scarcely one Friend's House escaped. We had nearly 70 panes of glass broken; ye sash lights and two panels of the front Parlor broke in pieces; ye Door cracked and violently burst open; when they threw stones into ye House for some time, but did not enter. Some fared better and some worse. Some Houses, after breaking ye door, they entered, and destroyed the Furniture, &c. Many women and children were frightened into fits, and 'tis a mercy no lives were lost.” — Extract from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinkerp. 137.

6 Edward Penington, who had married Sarah, the sister of Samuel Shoemaker.

7 Beulah Burge, a sister of Samuel Shoemaker, widow of Samuel Burge. Their daughter Sarah married, in 1783, William Rawle, the elder, who was a brother of the diarist.

8 Hannah Rawle, a daughter of William Hudson and wife of Benjamin Rawle, a great-uncle of the diarist. Their daughter Rebecca married Jacob Ridgway. The latter were the parents of the late John Jacob Ridgway, Mrs. Phœbe Ann Rush (wife of Dr. James Rush), and Mrs. Susan Barton (wife first of Thomas Roach and second of Dr. John Rhea Barton).

9 Joshua Howell's country seat on the Schuylkill, now in East Fairmount Park, below the Laurel Hill Cemetery.

SOURCE: “A Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, pp. 104-7

Diary of Anna Rawle, October 26, 1781

Sixth day. Neighbor Waln and Ben. Shoemaker were here in the afternoon. Juliet,1 Polly Foulke and James Fisher2 came to see us in the evening; the conversation as usual on the late disturbances. It seems universally agreed that Philadelphia will no longer be that happy asylum for the Quakers that it once was. Those joyful days when all was prosperity and peace are gone, never to return; and perhaps it is as necessary for our society3 to ask for terms as it was for Cornwallis. Juliet says all Uncle Penington's fine pictures are broken; his parlour was full of men, but it was nothing, he said, to Nancy's illness, who was for an hour or two out of her senses and terrified them exceedingly.
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1 A fancy name given to and used by Sarah Burge (see note, ante) in correspondence during the Revolutionary War.

2 The late James Cowles Fisher.

3 The Society of Friends.

SOURCE: “A Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 107

Monday, June 22, 2026

Journal of Sally Wister, September 24, 1777

TO DEBORAH NORRIS1:

Tho' I have not the least shadow of an opportunity to send a letter, if I do write, I will keep a sort of journal of the time that may expire before I see thee: the perusal of it may some time hence give pleasure in a solitary hour to thee and our Sally Jones.2

Yesterday, which was the 24th of September, two Virginia officers call'd at our house, and inform'd us that the British Army had cross'd the Schuylkill. Presently after, another person stopp'd, and confirm'd what they had said, and that Gen'l Washington and Army were near Pottsgrove.3 Well, thee may be sure we were sufficiently scared; however, the road was very still till evening.

About seven o'clock we heard a great noise. To the door we all went. A large number of waggons, with about three hundred of the Philadelphia Militia. They begged for drink, and several push'd into the house. One of those that entered was a little tipsy, and had mind to be saucy.

I then thought it time for me to retreat; so figure me (mightily scar'd, as not having presence of mind enough to face so many of the Military), running in at one door, and out another, all in a shake with fear; but after a while, seeing the officers appear gentlemanly, and the soldiers civil, I call'd reason to my aid. My fears were in some measure dispell'd, tho' my teeth rattled, and my hand shook like an aspen leaf. They did not offer to take their quarters with us; so, with many blessings, and as many adieus, they marched off.

I have given thee the most material occurrences of yesterday faithfully.
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1 For sketch of Deborah Norris see p. 114.

2 Doubtless this was Sally Wister's aunt, Sarah Jones, born May 30, 1760, who married Samuel Rutter. The aunt was only one year older than the niece.

3 The Battle of Brandywine had occurred September 11th, and the surprise and massacre at Paoli on the night of the 20th. Howe crossed at Gordon's Ford (now Phenixville), and Fatland Ford, on September 23d, to the east side of the Schuylkill, and thence moved down to Philadelphia. Washington was at Pottsgrove for several days, and then moved over to the Perkiomen. — H. M. Jenkins.

SOURCE: Albert Cook Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 65-7

Journal of Sally Wister, September 25, 1777*

This day, till twelve o'clock, the road was mighty quiet, when Hobson Jones came riding along. About that time he made a stop at our door, and said the British were at Skippack road; that we should soon see their light horse, and [that] a party of Hessians had actually turn'd into our lane. My Dadda and Mamma gave it the credit it deserv'd, for he does not keep strictly to the truth in all respects; but the delicate, chicken-hearted Liddy1 and I were wretchedly scar'd. We cou'd say nothing but "Oh! what shall we do? What will become of us?" These questions only augmented the terror we were in.

Well, the fright went off. We saw no light horse or Hessians. O. Foulke2 came here in the evening, and told us that Gen'l Washington had come down as far as the Trappe, and that Gen'l McDougle's brigade was stationed at Montgomery, consisting of about 16 hundred men. This he had from Dr. Edwards,3 aid-de-camp; so we expected to be in the midst of one army or t'other.

Fourth Day Night.
We were not alarm'd.
_______________

* This date, presuming the day of the week to be accurately given, should be the 24th, and it may be here observed that the dates of the month are not for some time correctly given in the Journal, being a while one day ahead, and then two days, until December 5th, when they become correct. — H. M. J.

1 LYDIA FOULKE, daughter of William and Hannah, born April 9, 1756. She afterward married John Spencer, born 1756, died 1799, son of Jacob and Hannah, of Moreland. — Н. М. Ј.

2 OWEN FOULKE, son of Caleb and Jane (Jones) Foulke, was born in Philadelphia, June 27th, 1763, died at Gwynedd, August 30, 1808. He was afterwards a partner with his father in business in Philadelphia, and in 1798 was a member of the First City Troop. In the late years of his life he practiced law at Sunbury, Pa. He was Sally's first cousin, their mothers being sisters. — H. M. J.

3 DR. ENOCH EDWARDS, brother of Major Evan Edwards, was born in Byberry, Philadelphia County, in 1750. He became an Ensign of the Pennsylvania Flying Camp, in 1776. He was a Justice of the Peace and a practicing physician in Byberry until 1792, when he sold his property there and moved to Frankford. In 1791 he was commissioned an Associate Judge of the Court of Common Pleas of Philadelphia. He died April 25, 1802. "Penna. in Rev.," III., 558; Phila. Amer. Daily Ad., Apr. 27, 1802; "Hist. Moreland"; Martin's "Bench and Bar."

SOURCE: Albert Cook Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 67-70

Journal of Sally Wister, September 26, 1777

We were unusually silent all morning; no passengers came by the house, except to the mill, & we don’t place much dependence on Mill news.

About twelve o’clock, cousin Jesse1 heard that Gen. Howe’s army moved down towards Philadelphia. Then my dear, our hopes & fears were engaged for you. However, my advice is, summon up all your resolution, call Fortitude to your aid, and don't suffer your spirits to sink, my dear; there's nothing like courage; 'tis what I stand in need of myself, but unfortunately have little of it in my composition.

I was standing in the kitchen2 about 12, when somebody came to me in a hurry, screaming, "Sally, Sally, here are the light horse!" This was by far the greatest fright I had endured; fear tack'd wings to my feet; I was at the house in a moment; at the porch I stopt, and it really was the light horse.

I ran immediately to the western door, where the family were assembled, anxiously waiting for the event. They rode up to the door and halted, and enquired if we had horses to sell; he was answer'd negatively.

"Have not you, sir," to my father, "two black horses?"

"Yes, but have no mind to dispose of them."

My terror had by this time nearly subsided. The officer and men behav'd perfectly civil; the first drank two glasses of wine, rode away, bidding his men follow, which, after adieus in number, they did. The officer was Lieutenant Lindsay,3 of Bland's regiment, Lee's troop. The men, to our great joy, were Americans, and but 4 in all. What made us imagine them British, they wore blue and red, which with us is not common.

It has rained all this afternoon, and to present appearances, will all night. In all probability the English will take possession of the city to-morrow or next day. What a change will it be! May the Almighty take you under His protection, for without His divine aid all human assistance is vain.

"May heaven's guardian arm protect my absent friends,

From danger guard them, and from want defend."

Forgive my dear, the repetition of these lines, but they just darted into my mind. Nothing worth relating has occurred this afternoon. Now for trifles. I have set a stocking on the needles, and intend to be mighty industrious. This evening some of our folks heard a very heavy cannon. We supposed it to be fir'd by the English. The report seem'd to come from Philada. We hear the American army will be within five miles of us tonight.

The uncertainty of our position engrosses me quite. Perhaps to be in the midst of war, and ruin, and the clang of arms. But we must hope the best.
_________________

1 JESSE FOULKE, son of William and Hannah, and brother to Caleb and Amos. He was therefore a "connection by marriage," but not of kin, at all; the term "cousin" is purely complimentary. He was born Nov. 9, 1742, and died unmarried, March 16, 1821. He and his unmarried sister Priscilla continued to occupy the old Foulke mansion, and lived to advanced years. — H. M. J.

2 The kitchen was "a small distance from the house." See infra, under date of June 5, 1778.

3 WILLIAM LINDSAY, whose father, William Lindsay, had come from Jamaica and settled at Port Royal, Caroline County, Virginia, was appointed a Cornet in Colonel Bland's Regiment of Virginia Light Dragoons, June 16, 1776. On the 18th of December of the same year he was raised to the rank of Lieutenant. March 15, 1777, he became Third Lieutenant of the First Continental Dragoons. He received a wound near Valley Forge, January 21, 1778. On the 7th of April following he was made Captain of Lee's Battalion of Light Dragoons. He resigned from the Army, October 1, 1778. He lived for a time near Fredericksburg, but having received the first appointment to the office of Collector of the Customs for Norfolk and Portsmouth under the Federal government, he removed with his family to the latter place. He died September 1, 1797, while on a trip to Newport, Rhode Island, and was buried there in Trinity churchyard. By his wife, Martha Fox, he had several children, of whom Colonel William Lindsay was a prominent officer of the United States Army. — Bland MSS., Cong. Lib., Wash.; Heitman; "Lindsay Genealogy," 225 (Albany, 1889); Norfolk Herald, Sept. 29, 1838; Columbian Sentinel (Boston), September 13, 1797.

SOURCE: Albert Cook Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 69-73

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, May 19, 1766

A vessel from Pool brought ye account of ye Repeal of the Stamp Act, ye 20th. Ye Town illuminated upon the occasion.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 22

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, December 24, 1773

An account from Boston of 342 Chests of Tea being thrown into ye sea.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 39

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, December 25, 1773

John Parrock called this evening to inform us that ye Tea ship was at Chester.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 39

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, December 27, 1773

Ye Tea ship, and cargo sent off this morning.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 39

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Saturday, May 14, 1774

Ship "Molly" Chesapeake Bay. At 10 o'clock this morning made the Land from the Masthead. At 2 afternoon abreast of Cape Henry, from which we see Cape Charles E.N.E. about 18 Miles distant. Got a Pilot on Board. The Land appears low and sandy, covered in Pines. Wrote to my Father by a Ship bound to London. At 7 this evening came on a gust of Thunder, Lightning, and rain from the N.W. Obliged to let go our Anchor in 6 Fathom water at the tail of the Horse Shoe. It is a custom with all passengers to pay a bottle of rum to the Sailors as soon as they make the Land. We, agreeable to that custom, have paid ours and I believe every man aboard (the Captn., Passengers, and first Mate excepted) are drunk, swearing and fighting like madmen. Blowing very hard. Thundering very loud and Lightning so strong and quick that I can see to write without Candle.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 14

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Sunday, May 15, 1774

At 5 this morning weighed Anchor with a fresh breeze and cloudy weather. At Noon Clear and pleasant. The land appears from the Masthead to be level and covered with lofty Pines. A great number of Rivers empty themselves into the Bay. Can count Nineteen Sail of Vessels and see the Land on every side. This is one of the finest prospects I have ever seen. What makes it more agreeable, not seeing land before these 27 days. At 7 in the evening, calm. Let go our Anchor off Windmill point.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, pp. 14-5

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Monday, May 16, 1774

A Head wind and, as we have got an indifferent Pilot, the Captn. does not think it prudent to move. Still at Anchor. Captn. Received a Letter from Liverpool that informs him the two Baldwins are in debt at home and obliged to go abroad.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 16

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Tuesday, May 17, 1774

Urbanna, Rappahannock River, Virginia. Contrary wind. Our Ship at Anchor. Captn. Parry, Captn. Knox, Messrs. Baldwin, and I went ashore in the Pilot Boat. Landed at this place after a passage of thirty-eight days from Liverpool. This is a small Village pleasantly situated on a Creek of the same name; the Custom House for the Rappahannock River, and Tobacco warehouses for the County are kept here. Messrs. Baldwin went to the house of a Merchant whom they had Letters of introduction to, Knox and I stayed at the Inn.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 16

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Wednesday, May 18, 1774

At Urbanna, waiting for the Ship; took a walk into the Country. Find the Land sandy and barren to all appearance, but it produces excellent Garden stuff. Green Peas are in plenty. Intend to keep a Diary for the future.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 16

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Thursday, May 19, 1774

This day the Ship came up. Captn. Knox and I hired a Boat to carry us to Nanjemoy on Potowmeck River, about 60 Miles from Alexandria, which place I intend to go to as soon as possible. Went up to Deep Creek and got our Baggage on Board the Boat. Parted with Messrs. Baldwin, who are bound to Norfolk in Virginia. Got down to Urbanna, but so late at Night obliged to sleep in the Boat all night.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 16

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Friday, May 20, 1774

Left Urbanna about 8 in the morning. Our Boat manned with three Negroes. At 2 in the afternoon got into the mouth of Potowmeck River, which is about 12 Miles wide. A great number of pleasant seats on the Banks of the River. At 10 in the evening came to an Anchor in Majotack Creek.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, pp. 16-7

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Saturday, May 21, 1774

Nanjemoy, Maryland. Early this morning weighed and stood over to Ladlor's Ferry in Maryland, where we got breakfast at the Ferry house. After Breakfast got under way again, but run the Boat aground on a sand bank in the River where we stuck two hours, but by lashing the Canoe to the Masthead and filling her with stones, Heeld the Vessel on one side and got her off. Arrived at Nanjemoy in the afternoon. Captn. Knox's Brother has a House here, but he is not at home. He introduced me to his Brother's partner, Mr. Bayley, who behaves very civilly to me and insists that I shall stay a week with him. Don't intend staying any longer than I can get a passage to Alexandria.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 17

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Sunday, May 22, 1774

Alexandria. This is a small Village of about five houses. All Planters except Knox and Bayley, who keep a store. (What they call stores in this country are Shops in England.) In the afternoon drank Tea with Captn. Knox and Mr. Wallace (Knox and Bayley's Clerk) at Colonel Harrison's. Captn. Knox introduced me to every house in the Village. The people are remarkably civil and obliging, appear to live very well, and exceedingly happy.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 17

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Monday, May 23, 1774

Captn. Knox and I went to Mrs. Marsden, a widow lady in the neighbourhood. Got some very indifferent Strawberries and Cherries.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 17

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Tuesday, May 24, 1774

Dined on Board a Scotch Ship called the Jenny, Captn. McLeash, Master.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 17

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Wednesday, May 25, 1774

Saw them plant Tobacco. The Land is first hoed into small round hills about the size of Molehills and about 4000 of them in an acre. The plants are something like small Cabbage plants; they only make a hole with their fingers or a small stick and put them in, one in each hill. Two Negroes will plant three acres in one day. Small Blisters are broke out all over my body, attended with an intolerable itching. They call it the Prickly heat and say it is very wholesome. It may be so, for everything I can tell, but it is very troublesome.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, pp. 17-8

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Thursday, May 26, 1774

Waiting for an opportunity to go to Alexandria by water, but I believe Captn. Knox does everything in his power to disappoint me, for fear I should go away. Drank Tea at Mrs. Leftwich's.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 18

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Friday, May 27, 1774

Dined on Board the Jenny, McLeash. It is true we had excellent Porter and Wine, but had our stomachs been of a squeamish nature, they would have been disobliged at their Scotch cleanliness.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 18

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Saturday, May 28, 1774

The Land here is level, sandy and barren in general, except where it is mixed with Oyster shells which renders it very fertile. Agriculture is in a very poor state. In short, they know very little about farming. Tobacco and Indian corn is all they make and some little wheat. All done by Negroes. The Tobacco is all worked with Hoes, the Indian corn with Ploughs, but of a bad sort and without a Colter. The furrow they make is not more than two inches deep and does little more than kill the weeds. Land sells upon an average here, at about three Dollars pr. acre. (Thirteen shillings and Sixpence Sterling.)

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 18