Showing posts with label Cornwallis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cornwallis. Show all posts

Monday, October 26, 2026

Journal of Lieutenant William Feltman, September 3, 1781

This morning the general beat at 6 o'clock. The troops in half an hour after marched to James River, where the French boats lay in order to cross our troops. We landed below James's Island, and lay by the greatest part of the day, near the church, within half a mile of where we had the action of the 6th of July last. In the evening we marched for the Green Springs, and there lay that night without tent or any other shelter. A very heavy rain the whole time of our march.

Took a walk to take a view of the French troops, who make a very fine, soldierly appearance, they being all very tall men; their uniform is white coats turned up with blue, their underclothes are white.

We left all our tents and baggage on the other side of the river. This day three seventy-fours and one frigate went up York river, to block up the British vessels.

The Count de Grasse sent a flag to Lord Cornwallis, desiring him on his peril not to destroy any of his vessels, stores, &c.—2 miles.

SOURCE: Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Journal of Lieut. William Feltman, of the First Pennsylvania Regiment, 1781-82, p. 12

Journal of Lieutenant William Feltman, September 14, 1781

This day I mounted the Centre Picquet near the Windmill, in Williamsburg. In the evening about four o'clock twenty-one pieces of cannon were fired on the arrival of his Excellency, General George Washington.

There was a universal joy amongst our officers and soldiers, especially the French troops, on his arrival.

This night about twelve o'clock a French officer came to my picquet and desired me to send a file of men with him, to the Marquis La Fayette's quarters, as he had a packet of letters for him from the Count De Grasse. He informed me (as he spoke German) there were nine large men of war joined the Count De Grasse the day before yesterday from Rhode Island under the command of Count Rochambeau.

He likewise informed me that the day before yesterday they took two of the enemy's frigates of thirty two guns each. Also, the last vessels had a reinforcement of two thousand five hundred French Infantry on board.

I had about one hour's confab with the gentleman, and he seemed much pleased with our present situation, and was very desirous of explaining himself in a more explicit manner, as he spoke but very indifferently the German language. He was confident that Lord Cornwallis would not stand it longer than eight days at farthest.

SOURCE: Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Journal of Lieut. William Feltman, of the First Pennsylvania Regiment, 1781-82, pp. 13-14

Journal of Lieutenant William Feltman, September 30, 1781

This morning about 8 o'clock, upon strict examination, we found that the enemy had evacuated all their outworks, which we immediately took possession of. The French and British had a severe engagement this morning. One of the French officers lost his leg, and a number of the privates killed and wounded.

Col. Scammell was wounded and taken prisoner this morning.

Lt. Tilden and self took a walk to view their works which they evacuated last night, which was within musket shot of their main works, when we perceived a flag advancing towards us, which we immediately went to meet, and on examination found that he had a letter for Lieut. Col. Huntington of Col. Scammel's Reg't, informing him of his captivity, and desiring him to send his waiter and clothing to Williamsburgh, where he would be sent on parole as soon as his wound was dressed.

This day Capt. Davis laid a bet with me of a beaver hat that Lord Cornwallis and his army would be prisoners of war by the next Sunday.

This evening Capt. Smith of our battalion, a sub. from Col. Gaskin's Reg't, and self, with fifty men, mounted the advance guard in front of the enemy's left, near the ruins of a mill.

SOURCE: Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Journal of Lieut. William Feltman, of the First Pennsylvania Regiment, 1781-82, p. 16

Tuesday, September 22, 2026

Journal of Sergeant Roger Lamb, December 1775–June 1776

QUEBEC being thus freed from danger, it is now necessary to take a transient view of the state of affairs, at this period in some of the southern provinces. Lord Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, was involved in disputes similar to those which had taken place in other colonies; these disputes arose to such violence, that his lordship was obliged to take refuge on board the Fowey ship of war, into which he attempted to transfer the sittings of the assembly; a requisition which the legislative body absolutely refused to comply with. His lordship being thus divested of his authority, carried on a sort of predatory war against the province.

In order to protect the loyalists who now began to flock to the royal standard, his lordship constructed 'a fort near Norfolk, a maritime town of some consequence: this fort he furnished with artillery. The Americans also fortified themselves within cannon shot of the same place, with a narrow causeway in their front. In this state both parties continued quiet for some days. Lord Dunmore now formed a design of surprizing the enemy in their entrenchments; this was undertaken before day-light, on the 9th of December, 1775. Captain Fordyce, at the head of the granadiers of the 14th regiment of foot, amounting to sixty men, passed the causeway, and boldly marched up to the American entrenchments, with fixed bayonets, and with a coolness and entrepidity which first excited the astonishment, and afterwards the praise of their enemies. They were exposed without cover to the fire of the provincials in front, and enfiladed by another part of their works. The brave captain Fordyce with several of his men fell, the lieutenant and others were taken, and all the survivors of this valiant grenadier company, whether prisoners or not, were wounded. Captain Fordyce was interred with every military honor, by the victors; the English prisoners treated with kindness, but the Americans who had joined the king's standard experienced the greatest cruelties.

A short time before this, a scheme of importance was formed by major Connolly, a Pennsylvanian of an intrepid and aspiring disposition, and attached to the cause of Britain. The first step of his plan was to enter into a league with the Ohio Indians. This he communicated to lord Dunmore, and it received his approbation. Upon which, Connolly set out, and actually succeeded in his design. On his return he was dispatched to general Gage at Boston, from whom he received a colonel's commission, and set out in order to accomplish the remainder of his scheme. The plan in general was to proceed to Fort Detroit, where captain Lord of the Royal Irish was to meet him with two companies, and a field piece. Connolly was to raise a regiment, with as many Indians and partizans as he could; to enable him to do this, he had power to promise every person that entered into the service, three hundred acres of land, when the troubles were over, and what other pecuniary rewards he might think proper; was to appoint and commission all the officers under him, which commissions were to be confirmed by lord Dunmore. With this force he was to penetrate through the country, in order to cut off the communication between the southern and northern colonies, destroy Fort Pit, and Fort Fincastle, and meet lord Dunmore on the 10th of April following, at Alexandria. Connolly's companions were lieutenant Cameron and Dr. Smith. On their road through Maryland, they were all three taken, cast into prison, and closely confined. On searching their portmanteaus, of Connolly's plan was found. The congress immediately published the following speech, from lord Dunmore to White Eyes, a famous Indian warrior, which they said was found in the colonel's custody:

“Brother, captain White Eyes, I am glad to hear your good speeches, sent to me by major Connolly, and you may be assured I shall put the one end of the belt which you have sent me, into the hands of our great king, who will be glad to hear from his brothers, the Delawares, and will take a strong hold of it. You may rest satisfied, that our foolish young men shall never be permitted to take your lands, but on the contrary, the great king will protect you, and preserve you in the possession of them. Our young people in the country have been very foolish, and done many impudent things, for which they must soon be sorry, and of which I make no doubt, they have acquainted you; but I must desire you not to listen to them, as they would be willing that you should act equally foolish with themselves. But rather let what you hear, pass in at one ear, and out at the other, so that it may make no impression on your heart, until you hear from me fully, which shall be as soon as I can give farther information, who am your friend and brother.


Captain White Eyes will please to acquaint the Corn Stalk with these my sentiments also, as well as the chiefs of the Mingors, and the other six nations. Your sincere friend, and elder brother, Dunmore."

The Americans never lost an opportunity of magnifying every circumstance which would in anywise tend to the promotion of their own cause, while at the same time, they covered in obscurity the very motives and views with which they themselves used to accomplish their ends. Some months before this, the inhabitants of Virginia had endeavoured to gain the Indians over to their side, in order to assist them against the loyalists in that state.1 This well known narrative is given by an American partizan. It begins as follows:

"We may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage superior to the speech of Logan, a Mingo chief, to lord Dunmore, when governor of the state of Virginia. The story is as follows; of which and of the speech, the authenticity is unquestionable. In the spring of the year 1774, a robbery and murder were committed on an inhabitant2 of the frontiers of Virginia, by two Indians of the Shawanee tribe; the neighbouring whites, according to their custom,3 undertook to punish this outrage in a summary way. Colonel Cresap, infamous for the many murders he had committed on this much injured people, collected a party, and proceeded down the Kanhaway in quest of vengeance. Unfortunately a canoe of women and children with one man only, was seen coming from the opposite shore, unarmed and unsuspecting any hostile attack from the whites. Cresap and his party concealed themselves on the bank of the river, and the moment the canoe reached the shore, singled out their objects, and at one fire killed every person in it. This happened to be the family of Logan, who had long been distinguished as a friend of the whites. This unworthy return provoked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the war which ensued. In the autumn of the same year, a decisive battle was fought at the mouth of the great Kanhaway, between the collected forces of the Shawanees, Mingoes, and Delawares, and a detachment of the Virginia militia.4 The Indians were defeated, and sued for peace. Logan, however, disdained to be seen among the suppliants, but lest the sincerity of a treaty should be distrusted, from which, so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent by a messenger the following speech, to be delivered to lord Dunmore: ‘I appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if he ever came cold and naked, and he cloathed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my  countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, Logan is the friend of white men. I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it; I have killed many; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace; but I do not harbour a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan? Not one."

Lord Dunmore retreated from Norfolk, and that place was taken possession of by the provincials, who treated the loyalists that had remained there, with great severity, at the same time that they greatly distressed those on board lord Dunmore's fleet, by refusing to supply them with any necessaries. Nor was this all; the vicinity of the shipping was so near, as to afford the riflemen an opportunity of aiming at the people on board, and exercising the cruel occupation of killing them, in which they did not fail every day to employ themselves. These proceedings at last drew a remonstrance from his lordship; in which he insisted that the fleet should be furnished with necessaries, and that the soldiers should desist from the cruel treatment above mentioned; but both these requests being denied, a resolution was taken to set fire to the town. After giving the inhabitants proper warning, a party landed, under cover of a ship of war, and set fire to that part which lay nearest to the shore; but the flames were observed at the same time to break forth in every other quarter, and the whole town was reduced to ashes. This universal destruction, by which a loss of more than three hundred thousand pounds was incurred, is said to have been occasioned by order of the congress itself, that the loyalists might find no refuge there for the future. The Americans after this transaction, burned and destroyed the houses and plantations within reach of the guns of the ships of war, and obliged the inhabitants to remove with their cattle, provisions, and portable effects, further into the country.

The heat of the season, and the numbers crowded together in lord Dunmore's fleet, produced a pestilential fever, which made great havoc, especially among the negroes. At last finding themselves in the utmost hazard of perishing, by famine as well as disease, they set fire to the least valuable of their vessels, reserving only about fifty for themselves, in which they bid a final adieu to Virginia, some sailing to Florida, some to Bermuda, and the rest to the West Indies.

In South Carolina, the provincials had a more formidable enemy to contend with. A squadron whose object was the reduction of Charlestown, had been fitted out in December, 1775, but by reason of unfavourable weather, did not reach Cape Fear, in North Carolina, till the month of May, 1776; and here it met with further obstacles till the end of the month. Thus, the Americans, always noted for their alertness in raising fortifications, had time to strengthen those of Charlestown, in such a manner as rendered it exceedingly difficult to be attacked. The British squadron consisted of two fifty-gun ships, four of thirty guns, two of twenty; an armed schooner, and a bomb-ketch, all under the command of Sir Peter Parker; the land forces were commanded by general Clinton, lord Cornwallis, and brigadier general Vaughan. It was now determined to try the event of an attack on the city of Charlestown, the capital of South Carolina. The Americans had erected works on Sullivan's Island, mounted with thirty pieces of cannon, in a very advantageous situation, for annoying ships in their approach to the town. The militia of the province were also collected in great numbers for the defence of the metropolis, aided by several continental regiments, and the whole commanded by general Lee.

On the 28th of June, the Bristol and Experiment, each of fifty guns, supported by several smaller vessels, had with some difficulty crossed the bar, and advanced to the attack of the fort on Sullivan's Island, constructed entirely of palmetto, a soft and spungy wood, in which a ball entering is buried, and makes no extended fracture. Though an attack on this fort was practical from the sea, it was very difficult to obtain a co-operation of the land forces. This was attempted by landing them on an island adjacent to Sullivan's island, on the east, from which it is separated by a narrow creek. Opposite to this creek the Americans had posted a strong body of troops, with cannon and entrenchments, while general Lee was posted on the main land, with a bridge of boats between that and Sullivan's Island; so that he could at pleasure send reinforcements to the troops in the fort on Sullivan's Island.

The attack commenced early in the morning by a bomb-ketch, which began to throw shells into the fort, and about mid-day the two fifty-gun ships came up and began a severe fire. Three other frigates were ordered to take their station, between Charlestown and the fort, in order to enfilade the batteries, and cut off the communication with the main land; but, through the ignorance of the pilots, they all stuck fast; and though two of them were disentangled, they were found to be totally unfit for service: the third was burnt, that she might not fall into the hands of the enemy.

The attack was therefore confined to five armed ships and a bomb-ketch, between whom and the fort a dreadful fire ensued. The Bristol suffered exceedingly. The springs on her cable being shot away, she was for some time exposed to the enemy's fire. As the Americans poured in great quantities of red hot balls, she was twice in flames. The brave captain Morris after receiving five wounds, was obliged to go between decks, to have his arm amputated. After undergoing this operation, he insisted to be carried on the quarter deck to resume his command; here he received another wound, but still refused to quit his station; at last he received a red hot ball in his belly, which put an end to his life. A few moments before he died, one of the officers asked him if he had any directions to give with respect to his family, to which he heroically answered, "None, I leave them to the providence of God, and the generosity of my country." His majesty on receiving an account of this affair, sent the captain's widow an handsome present, and settled a pension on her and her children.

Of all the officers and seamen who stood on the quarter deck of the Bristol, not one escaped without a wound, excepting Sir Peter Parker alone, though he received several contusions during the action, yet he modestly says in his dispatches they were not worth mentioning. Indeed his intrepidity and presence of mind during the action was very remarkable. The engagement lasted till darkness put an end to it. During the height of the attack, the provincial batteries remained for some time silent, so that it was concluded that they had been abandoned, bus this was found to proceed only from want of powder, for as soon as a supply of this article was obtained, the firing was resumed as brisk as before. During the whole of this desperate engagement, it was found impossible for the land forces to give any assistance to the fleet. The enemy's works were found to be much stronger than they had been imagined, and the depth of water effectually prevented them from making any attempt. Captain Scott of the Experiment, and lord William Campbell, late governor of the colony, who now with great gallantry served as a volunteer on board the fleet, were also dangerously wounded, with more than two hundred of as brave men as ever the British Navy produced, of the crews of these two ships only. Particular mention was made of the bravery of lieutenants Caulfield, Molloy, and Nugent, of the Bristol. Every man that was engaged did his duty. The Experiment and Bristol were so much damaged, that it was thought they could not be got over the bar; however, this was at last accomplished by a very great exertion of naval skill, to the surprise of the Americans, who had expected to make them both prizes. On the American side the loss was judged to be very considerable, as most of their guns were dismounted, and reinforcements had poured into the fort during the whole time of the action.

During this attack general Lee exposed himself to great danger; as the balls whistled about he observed one of his aid-de-camps shrink every now and then, and by the motion of his body seemed to evade the shot. "Death sir," cried Lee, "what do you mean, do you doge? Do you know that the king of Prussia lost above an hundred aid-de-camps in one campaign." "So I understand, sir," replied the officer, "but I did not think you could spare so many." A short memoir of this gentleman may not be unnecessary.

He was born in Chester, in the year 1726; his father, a man of considerable property in that county, was in the year 1745 appointed colonel of the 44th regiment of foot.

As Charles was an only son, his father bestowed upon him a very liberal education, and in the year 1745 he obtained a commission for him in his own regiment, in which he continued till the year 1760, passing through the ranks of ensign, lieutenant, and captain.

During this time Charles Lee was present at several actions, the first of which was at the defeat of general Braddock, at Monongahela; after this he was at the attack of the lines of Ticonderoga, in 1758, where he was shot through the body. The next year he was with general Prideaux at the reduction of Niagara, and in the year 1760 was at the conquest of Canada, with general Amherst.

The campaign being ended, captain Lee obtained leave to return to England, where, in the year 1761, he was appointed major in the 103d regiment, which, on the breaking out of the Spanish war, was sent to Portugal, under the command of lord Loudon. In Portugal, as well as in America, major Lee behaved with distinguished bravery; and general Burgoyne, under whose immediate direction he was, bore testimony of his firmness in executing the orders he received to surprise the Spanish camp, which he did with a bravery and intrepidy that settled his character as a distinguished officer.

At the peace of 1763, major Lee's corps was disbanded, and he, unwilling to remain inactive, obtained leave to enter into the service of the king of Poland, by whom he was greatly caressed; he afterwards went as a volunteer in the war between Russia and the Ottoman Porte.

In the year 1772, he returned to England, and in the month of May, in that year, he was honored with the rank of lieutenant colonel, after which he went to America, to visit a numerous set of friends he had in that country.

Whether he had at that time entertained any intention of intermeddling in the dispute between Great Britain and the colonies, we cannot pretend to decide: but as soon as the colonies began to raise forces, he immediately resigned his half pay, and with the greatest alacrity accepted the post of major general in their armies.

In person general Lee was five feet eight inches high, slender in his make, but able to endure the greatest hardships, little caring what he eat or drank, or on what he slept. His actions have shewn him to be brave, active, and determined; this may be seen by the following circumstance. At the time general Clinton sailed from Boston, Lee, at the head of a strong detachment from the American army before that place, immediately set out to secure New York from the attempt which it was supposed the British troops would have made upon that city. Having succeeded in that object, general Clinton could not but be surprised at his arrival in Virginia, to find Lee in possession, and in the same state of preparation in which he had left him at New York. Upon his departure for Cape Fear, Lee again traversed the continent with the utmost expedition to secure North Carolina: and at length upon the further progress of the fleet and army to the southward, Lee again proceeded with equal celerity to the defence of Charlestown.

General Lee was a studious man, and of intense application, not only in his profession as a soldier, but even that of a lawyer. As he visited most of the courts of Europe, he acquired a perfect knowledge of their languages. He spoke the Indian Janguage as well as English, and as he passed great part of the former war among the Indians they had a particular friendship for him.

His resentment against the British government was very strong, but for what cause it is not conjectured; however, it is well known that he was of an ardent, fiery disposition, of which the following letter is a specimen; the reader will observe that this letter was written to a gentleman in Maryland,5 in the beginning of the year 1776, some months before any reinforcements arrived from England to. America.

"I know not," says this modern Achilles, "in the whole course of my life, I ever read any thing which so much moved my pity and indignation as the late declaration of the convention of Maryland. They declare, they shall esteem separation from Great Britain as the last of misfortunes. What! when an attempt has been made to rob you and your posterity of your birthrights; when your fields have been laid waste, your towns have been burnt, and your citizens butchered;6 when your property is seized and confiscated in all parts of the world, when an inexorable tyrant, an abandoned parliament, and a corrupt, pusillanimous people, have formed a hellish league to rob you of every thing men hold most dear; is it possible there should be creatures, who march on two legs, and call themselves human, who can be so destitute of sentiment, courage, and feeling, as sobbingly to protest, they should consider separation from these butchers and robbers as the last of misfortunes ?

"Oh I could brain you with your ladies' fans."

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1 See page 76.

2 One of the loyalists. Undoubtedly these Indians were instigated to take up the hatchet by the Americans against their brethren, and for what cause? Why, because they adhered to the British government.

3 They were under the necessity in their defence to resist force by force.

4 Under the command of Lord Dunmore.

5 Maryland was one of the last states which yielded to the declaration of independence to the British crown.

6 When! Where! - At this very time seven thousand British troops were shut up in Boston, surrounded by an innumerable host of Americans: Canada at the same time overrun by another army of Americans and Indians.

Surely one cannot help being astonished at the virulence with which Mr. Lee speaks, on the present occasion, against his country, which had loaded him and his family with honors.

Surely one cannot help being astonished at the virulence with which Mr. Lee speaks, on the present occasion, against his country, which had loaded him and his family with honors.

"Describe Achilles, as Achilles was,

"Impatient-rash-inexorable-proud-
" Scorning all judges, and all law but arms."

SOURCE: Roger Lamb, An Original and Authentic Journal of Occurrences During the Late American War, from its Commencement to the Year 1783, pp. 90-103

Sunday, July 19, 2026

Journal of Lieutenant Ebenezer Denny, October 19, 1781

Our division man the lines again. All is quiet. Articles of capitulation signed; detachments of French and Americans take possession of British forts. Major Hamilton commanded a battalion which took possession of a fort immediately opposite our right and on the bank of York river. I carried the standard of our regiment on this occasion. On entering the fort, Baron Steuben, who accompanied us, took the standard from me and planted it himself. The British army parade and march out with their colors furled; drums beat as if they did not care how. Grounded their arms and returned to town. Much confusion and riot among the British through the day; many of the soldiers were intoxicated; several attempts in course of the night to break open stores; an American sentinel killed by a British soldier with a bayonet; our patrols kept busy. Glad to be relieved from this disagreeable station. Negroes lie about, sick and dying, in every stage of the small pox. Never was in so filthy a place — some handsome houses, but prodigiously shattered. Vast heaps of shot and shells lying about in every quarter, which came from our works. The shells did not burst, as was expected. Returns of British soldiers, prisoners six thousand, and seamen about one thousand. Lord Cornwallis excused himself from marching out with the troops; they were conducted by General O'Hara. Our loss said to be about three hundred; that of the enemy said not more than five hundred and fifty. Fine supply of stores and merchandise had; articles suitable for clothing were taken for the use of the army. A portion furnished each officer to the amount of sixty dollars.

SOURCE: J. B. Lippincott & Co., Publisher, The Record of the Court at Upland, in Pennsylvania. 1676 to 1681. And a Military Journal Kept by Major E. Denny, 1781 to 1795, pp. 248-9

Tuesday, July 14, 2026

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 13, 1777

Continued on the 3 redoubts and began on a new one & finished the whole. The Lines moved at Eleven this night along the Princetown road in 2 Columns, the one under Lord Cornwallis moved at ten, the other under General de Heister at Eleven leaving behind our Camp Equipage. Took Seven days provisions.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 422

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 14, 1777

The Commander in Chief with the other columns or rather the main body arrived and encamped 3 miles South of the Mill Stone River at Middlebush, he went on crossed the Mill Stone River after repairing the Bridge which the Enemy had broken up. We found Lord Cornwallis's Column on the opposite side after some skirmishing ten rebels killed, our loss in killed two and 2 wounded and an Officer. Found most of the Houses deserted and what were inhabited the men were absent; collected some Forage, cattle and horses A few shots were exchanged between some of our cavalry and that of the rebels but without effect and advanced. Yager taken off by some rebel Light horse.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 422

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 19, 1777

This morning at 2 o'clock the line moved & proceeded to Brunswick, the column with Lord Cornwallis following in the Rear. Encamped on each side the River Rariton by ½ past 7 this morning. Some firing on our Rear but checked with the guns. In marching off two officers and fourteen of the Fifty fifth-missing.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 423

Journal of Captain John Montresor, June 26, 1777

At 3 o'clock this morning the Army moved in 2 Columns, the right Lord Cornwallis-left Major General Vaughan—the Right Column took the Woodbridge Road and the left the Brunswick road but turned off the road to Metuchin meeting and 1200 men were sent on to take post at Bonham town way to Brunswick from Amboy and the 2 Columns encamped this night at Westfield. A continued firing most of this day's march. Lord Sterling and General Maxwell with 3000 men and 4 brass field pieces principally opposed us near Westfield, but were put to flight leaving behind 3 Brass Field pieces, 3 Pounders one French and 2 English. Supposed to have killed this day about 50 of the Rebels and took 64 prisoners in arms and about 500 head of horned cattle. Washington with the gross of his Army made off very early with the utmost Expedition and his Baggage and retired to his old post on the Shannoc mountain. The heat of the weather was such that we lost 9 men on the march by it. We had no men Killed and about 20 wounded and a Captain in the Guards shot through the Body. Great want of water as the Inhabitants had choaked several of their wells. Most of the Houses were abandoned, what were not had only women and children. The rebel army had moved from the Mountain Country leaving there taken post at Quibbletown three miles South of the mountain. The Engineers and Artificers were divided with the 2 Columns—two Established and an Assistant Engineer to each, myself with the Commander in Chief. The first body that fired on our right Column was about 1500 men under a General Conway and 3 field pieces, which were soon routed with loss by the usual Intrepidity of Light Infantry. Lord Chewton, aid de Camp to Lord Cornwallis had his horse shot under him. One man raved with a coup de soleil and fired at our own flankers. Amongst the prisoners a Major, 2 Captains and an Adjutant the latter shot through the thigh.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, pp. 424-5

Tuesday, June 23, 2026

Diary of Anna Rawle, October 22, 1781

Second day. The first thing I heard this morning was that Lord Cornwallis had surrendered to the French and Americans—intelligence as surprizing as vexatious. People who are so stupidly regardless of their own interests are undeserving of compassion, but one cannot help lamenting that the fate of so many worthy persons should be connected with the failure or success of the British army. Uncle Howell1 came in soon after breakfast, and tho' he is neither Whig nor Tory, looked as if he had sat up all night; he was glad to see all here so cheerful, he said. When he was gone Ben Shoemaker2 arrived; he was told it as he came along, and was astonished. However, as there is no letter from Washington, we flatter ourselves that it is not true.
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1 Joshua Howell, who had married Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker's sister Catharine, daughter of Edward and Anna (Coleman) Warner.

2 Benjamin Shoemaker, son of Samuel Shoemaker by his first wife Hannah, daughter of Samuel Carpenter the second, by his wife Hannah, daughter of Samuel Preston. Benjamin Shoemaker married Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker's sister, Elizabeth Warner.

SOURCE: “A Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 104

Diary of Anna Rawle, October 24, 1781

Fourth day. I feel in a most unsettled humour. I can neither read, work or give my attention one moment to anything. It is too true that Cornwallis is taken. Tilghman is just arrived with dispatches from Washington which confirm it. B. S. came here and shewed us some papers; long conversations we often have together on the melancholy situation of things.

SOURCE: “A Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 104

Diary of Anna Rawle, October 25, 1781

Fifth day. I suppose, dear Mammy, thee would not have imagined this house to be illuminated last night, but it was. A mob surrounded it, broke the shutters and the glass of the windows, and were coming in, none but forlorn women here. We for a time listened for their attacks in fear and trembling till, finding them grow more loud and violent, not knowing what to do, we ran into the yard. Warm Whigs of one side, and Hartley's1 of the other (who were treated even worse than we), rendered it impossible for us to escape that way. We had not been there many minutes before we were drove back by the sight of two men climbing the fence. We thought the mob were coming in thro' there, but it proved to be Coburn and Bob. Shewell, who called to us not to be frightened, and fixed lights up at the windows, which pacified the mob, and after three huzzas they moved off. A number of men came in afterwards to see us. French and J. B. nailed boards up at the broken pannels, or it would not have been safe to have gone to bed. Coburn and Shewell were really very kind; had it not been for them I really believe the house would have been pulled down. Even the firm Uncle Fisher2 was obliged to submit to have his windows illuminated, for they had pickaxes and iron bars with which they had done considerable injury to his house, and would soon have demolished it had not some of the Hodges3 and other people got in back and acted as they pleased. All Uncle's sons were out, but Sammy,4 and if they had been at home it was in vain to oppose them. In short it was the most alarming scene I ever remember. For two hours we had the disagreeable noise of stones banging about, glass crashing, and the tumultuous voices of a large body of men, as they were a long time at the different houses in the neighbourhood. At last they were victorious, and it was one general illumination throughout the town. As we had not the pleasure of seeing any of the gentlemen in the house, nor the furniture cut up, and goods stolen, nor been beat, nor pistols pointed at our breasts, we may count our sufferings slight compared to many others. Mr. Gibbs was obliged to make his escape over a fence, and while his wife was endeavouring to shield him from the rage of one of the men, she received a violent bruise in the breast, and a blow in the face which made her nose bleed. Ben. Shoemaker was here this morning; tho' exceedingly threatened he says he came off with the loss of four panes of glass. Some Whig friends put candles in the windows which made his peace with the mob, and they retired. John Drinker5 has lost half the goods out of his shop and been beat by them; in short the sufferings of those they pleased to style Tories would fill a volume and shake the credulity of those who were not here on that memorable night, and to-day Philadelphia makes an uncommon appearance, which ought to cover the Whigs with eternal confusion. A neighbour of ours had the effrontery to tell Mrs. G. that he was sorry for her furniture, but not for her windows—a ridiculous distinction that many of them make. J. Head has nothing left whole in his parlour. Uncle Penington6 lost a good deal of window-glass. Aunt Burge7 preserved hers thro' the care of some of her neighbours. The Drinkers and Walns make heavy complaints of the Carolinians in their neighbourhood. Walns' pickles were thrown about the streets and barrells of sugar stolen. Grandmammy was the most composed of anybody here. Was I not sure, my dearest Mother, that you would have very exaggerated accounts of this affair from others, and would probably be uneasy for the fate of our friends, I would be entirely silent about it, but as you will hear it from some one or another, not mentioning it will seem as if we had suffered exceedingly, and I hope I may depend on the safety of this opportunity.

People did nothing to-day but condole and enquire into each others honourable losses. Amongst a great variety who were here was Aunt Rawle;8 next to her sisters this was the family, she said, whom she felt most interested for; her visit was quite unexpected. Uncle and Aunt Howell9 went from here to Edgely this morning. Aunt Betsy to tea. Becky Fisher and her brother in the evening.
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1 James Hartley, merchant.

2 William Fisher, merchant, who married Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker's aunt, Sarah (Coleman). He also lived in Arch Street between Front and Second Streets. He was a member of the Common Council of Philadelphia from 1767 to 1770, of the Board of Aldermen from 1770 to the fall of the Charter government in 1776, and Mayor of the City 1773-1774.

3 Andrew and Hugh Hodge, merchants.

4 The late Samuel W. Fisher, President of the Philadelphia Insurance Company, and President of Select Council 1811-1813.

5 "October 19. Ye 17th of this month, October, Gen1 Cornwallis was taken, for which we grievously suffered on ye 24th, by way of rejoicing. A mob assembled about 7 o'clock or before, and continued their insults until near 10, to those whose Houses were not illuminated. Scarcely one Friend's House escaped. We had nearly 70 panes of glass broken; ye sash lights and two panels of the front Parlor broke in pieces; ye Door cracked and violently burst open; when they threw stones into ye House for some time, but did not enter. Some fared better and some worse. Some Houses, after breaking ye door, they entered, and destroyed the Furniture, &c. Many women and children were frightened into fits, and 'tis a mercy no lives were lost.” — Extract from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker, p. 137.

6 Edward Penington, who had married Sarah, the sister of Samuel Shoemaker.

7 Beulah Burge, a sister of Samuel Shoemaker, widow of Samuel Burge. Their daughter Sarah married, in 1783, William Rawle, the elder, who was a brother of the diarist.

8 Hannah Rawle, a daughter of William Hudson and wife of Benjamin Rawle, a great-uncle of the diarist. Their daughter Rebecca married Jacob Ridgway. The latter were the parents of the late John Jacob Ridgway, Mrs. Phœbe Ann Rush (wife of Dr. James Rush), and Mrs. Susan Barton (wife first of Thomas Roach and second of Dr. John Rhea Barton).

9 Joshua Howell's country seat on the Schuylkill, now in East Fairmount Park, below the Laurel Hill Cemetery.

SOURCE: “A Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, pp. 104-7

Diary of Anna Rawle, October 26, 1781

Sixth day. Neighbor Waln and Ben. Shoemaker were here in the afternoon. Juliet,1 Polly Foulke and James Fisher2 came to see us in the evening; the conversation as usual on the late disturbances. It seems universally agreed that Philadelphia will no longer be that happy asylum for the Quakers that it once was. Those joyful days when all was prosperity and peace are gone, never to return; and perhaps it is as necessary for our society3 to ask for terms as it was for Cornwallis. Juliet says all Uncle Penington's fine pictures are broken; his parlour was full of men, but it was nothing, he said, to Nancy's illness, who was for an hour or two out of her senses and terrified them exceedingly.
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1 A fancy name given to and used by Sarah Burge (see note, ante) in correspondence during the Revolutionary War.

2 The late James Cowles Fisher.

3 The Society of Friends.

SOURCE: “A Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 107

Thursday, June 18, 2026

Journal of Lieutenant Ebenezer Denny, May 18, 1781

Joined the troops under command of Lafayette. The Marquis had marched two or three days to meet us. His men look as if they were fit for business. They are chiefly all light infantry, dressed in frocks and over-alls of linen. One day spent in washing and refreshing—in fixing arms, carriages, &c., and served out ammunition. Move toward Richmond, where Lord Cornwallis with the British army lay. Heard that his lordship was employed burning and destroying warehouses of tobacco, all the public store-houses, &c. Passed through Richmond toward Williamsburg after the enemy—joined by Baron Steuben with some new levies. Near Bacon's Bridge the British turned upon us; our advance pressed them too close. The army was formed for a fight—they did not come on. General Wayne very anxious to do something. Colonel Simcoe, who commands the British legion (horse and mounted infantry), is constantly committing some depredation abroad, and foraging for their army. Wayne hears of him—our brigade leave their tents and baggage, march at dark, with piece of white paper in each man's hat flints taken out. At day-light reach place called the Bowling Green, where Simcoe had been the evening before. This was a severe march for me—found myself asleep more than once on the route. Returned and met the baggage. A detachment from the brigade put under command of Colonel Richard Butler. After a variety of marching and counter-marching, Butler at length intercepts Simcoe; a smart skirmish takes place; Wayne supports Butler, and Simcoe retreats. Here for the first time saw wounded men; feelings not very agreeable; endeavor to conquer this disposition or weakness; the sight sickened me. This little engagement within six miles of Williamsburg, where the enemy were encamped. Pennsylvania troops retreat-advance again. See the Marquis' light troops but seldom-know they are not far off. Kept constantly on the move. Hear that the enemy have decamped and preparing to cross James river at Jamestown. Our brigade move down; lay on arms all night about nine miles from the enemy. At day-light move on; middle of the afternoon of the 6th of July firing ahead. Our advance drove in the enemy's pickets, marching at this time by companies, in open order. My captain (Montgomery) fell behind his company where my place was, talked with me; gives me a lesson useful to me. When perhaps within one hundred and fifty yards of the enemy, we closed column and displayed; advanced in battalion until the firing commenced, and ran along the whole line. A regiment or more of the light infantry and three pieces of artillery were in the line. Saw the British light infantry, distinctly, advancing at arm's-length distance, and their second line in close order, with shouldered musket, just in front of their camp—their infantry only engaged. The main body were discovered filing off to the right and left, when orders were given us to retreat. My captain, Montgomery, received a shot in his foot and had hopped back in the rear; Lieutenant Bluer being absent, the charge of the company devolved on me; young and inexperienced, exhausted with hunger and fatigue, had like to have disgraced myself—had eat nothing all day but a few blackberries— was faint, and with difficulty kept my place; once or twice was about to throw away my arms (a very heavy espontoon). The company were almost all old soldiers. Kept compact and close to our leading company, and continued running until out of reach of the fire. The enemy advanced no farther than to the ground we left. We could not have been engaged longer than about three or four minutes, but at the distance of sixty yards only. Our loss is said to be upward of one hundred killed and wounded; among the latter twelve officers, one of whom, Lieutenant Herbert, taken prisoner; a few of the wounded not able to get off, were also taken. The artillery horses all killed; two pieces were lost.

Retreated two miles to very commanding ground, where we met the Marquis with our main body; halted and had some Indian meal served out, the wounded dressed, &c., and before day changed our ground and encamped about five miles from the field.

SOURCE: J. B. Lippincott & Co., Publisher, The Record of the Court at Upland, in Pennsylvania. 1676 to 1681. And a Military Journal Kept by Major E. Denny, 1781 to 1795, pp. 239-42

Wednesday, June 17, 2026

Journal of Captain John Montresor, January 1, 1777

New-York. This day Lord Cornwallis went in the Armed schooner Alert from New York to Amboy.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 420

Journal of Captain John Montresor, April 13, 1777

Lord Cornwallis Commanded Detachment from Brunswick and defeated the Rebels at Bound Brook—marched in 2 Columns one on each side the Rariton—Rebels lost 3 brass field pieces, 10 left dead, 80 prisoners, 4 officers, one of which aid de camp to the Commanding Officer Major General Lincoln from Connecticut, took the General's baggage and 100 head of Cattle.

SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 421