Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs: No. II Memorandum Continued, April 1, 1776

NOR is it doubted, if wee may Judge from the outward appearance of Persons, but that Mr. Lovell (tho in the Capacity of a Prisoner) embarqued with less reluctance than those Miscreants whose complicated offences against the Liberties of their Country denied them the Boon of continueing any longer as Freemen in this Land of Liberty; wherefore since by their Behaviour they had forfeited all right to Freedom, & were driven to the Alternitude of Slavery in this or in a foreign Land, they chose rather to imbarque and be in Servitude with other Slaves than to continue in their native Country & Suffer the just resentinent of their injured Brethren.

Many of these obnoxious animals (tho none of the most obnoxious) chose to tarry & rely upon the Mercy of their offended Countrymen than to hazard their Lives with the Fleet & Army, who were Miserably stocked with Provisions, — having nothing of Animal Food left but salt Meat, & that in so small a Quantity that their common allowance would consume it all in less than three Weeks; this account I had from a Friend of mine who tarried in Boston during the whole siege, who was well acquainted with their Scituation, & on whose veracity I think I can safely rely. In this miserable Scituation they left the Town & hauled of to Nantascet, where I shall, for the present, leave them. These Tories which remained were soon apprehended, & what fate they will receive at the hands of their injured Countrymen (for I can't call them Brethren) may be left by me undetermin'd as yet.

The Fatiegues & Hardships that were underwent by that part of the Army which were Stationed at Roxbury from the time of our first building upon the Hill, tho not eaqual to the Hardships which many of this Profession have endured, yet I think I may safely pronounce them hard. When we first arrived upon the Hills, as I before observed, we had no cover from the Weather but Apple Trees (a miserable Shelter from Storms & March Winds); for the Regulars had previously set fire to almost all the Houses & Barns on the Neck, two Barns & three small Houses only being left, & of these only the Barns were so situated as to afford shelter for the Army of 25 Hundred Men, or thereabouts, because of their Distance from the Works we were building. Therefore no particular Regiments could be stationed there, & it was absolutely necessary to keep at least that Number of Men constantly upon the Hills, & these must be drawn from those at Roxbury. This Party together with the Guards at Roxbury kept half of our Men on duty constantly, & many being taken ill about that time, some with what we termed the Hill Fever & others with real Sickness, many Men were obliged to be on Duty two Days & Nights successively. Moreover, because of the dangerous Scituation of the Causeway, we were obliged to go on to relieve the Parties on the Hills in the Night at 3 o'clock; this made it more fatiegueing, being in this manner broke of our Rest each Night.

Being myself unwell upon our first entering upon the Hills, I was unable to do but three Tours of Duty in this Manner, and had entered upon the fourth when I was so unwell that with much difficulty with the assistance of an able Bodied Man I got of from the Hills. I continued 2 Days in my Chamber and then walked out, but the Blody Flux raged so hard upon me & nothing suitable for my Diet being to be bought, it was thought best for me to go into the Country, whereupon I went to Concord & tarried several Days; but being unwilling to tarry any longer out of Camp than what was absolutely necessary, I returned about 3 Days before the enemy evacuated Boston. Being still unfit for Duty, nevertheless I undertook another Tour, seeing Duty had been so hard for the other Officers, — many of them by this Time being unwell & unfit for Duty. On the 24 of March, the enemy being gone down to Nantascet & it being thought best to have some steady forces upon the Hills, Col. Learneard's & Cole Cary's Regiments were both of them ordered upon the Hills. To the latter I belonged, & we moved on expecting to have found Barracks provided; but when we arrived we found that the Barracks provided for our Regt were not above half sufficient to contain them, neither were there Chimneys in any of them. Our being huddled in this manner with such accommodations upon the Hills was owing to the unfaithfullness of the Barrack Master, who had returned to the Genl. that a sufficiency of Barracks were finished to receive us. Yet in this Scituation, half killed with smoke, we found our Duty easier than when we lived at Roxbury & did Duty upon the Hills. Many of our People were sick, for whom a convenient House was provided at Roxbury; among these two only were very Dangerous, viz., Elisha Doane & Joseph Philips. Doane, after having been extreme low and weak, being several times looked upon as a dying Man, recovered so far that on my coming from Roxbury on the second of April he was able to sit up and in a likely way of recovery. But as to Philips, who was taken with a Pleurisy which afterwards turned to a Malignant Putrid Fever, God in his providence saw fit to take him to himself, as we trust, on the 30th of March. The next Day he was decently inter'd. On the 18th of March, the Enemy still keeping Possession of Castle William, I mounted the guard upon the Point near the Castle at not more than 1 of a Mile Distance; the night being very calm & my Duty calling me to visit the Centuries, I could hear them busiely employed, as I then supposed, in spiking up the Cannon & breaking of the Trunnions. This work they continued till the next day, 19th, when about 3 o'clock they began to blow up the Fortifications. This lasted till about sunset, when they set the Block House on the South Poin on Fire. Our Guard were now expecting to be relieved & were paraded to receive the relief; but the relief being detained, we were desirous to see the fire, & retired to a Hill about 10 Rods distance North from the Guard House, where we might have a full View. The Enemy, perceiving us upon the Hill within point Blank Shot of their Cannon, fired three 24 lb. Shot at us, neither of which went more than 2 yards above our Heads. The first & second would unavoidably have killed some of the men had they not have fell upon discovering the Flashes of their Guns; as it was, several of our Men by the Wind of the Balls were almost stuned. Neither of the Balls came nearer to me than 10 Yards Distance, tho I stood upon the Top of the Hill & never removed till after their fire was over. The other Men were in more danger after the first Shot; for the Enemy, knowing they would repair to the Guard House, had placed their Cannon so as to take them on their runing from the Hill. Tho horribly frightned by the whistling of the Balls, I considered this, and was the only Man that stood the Ground.

The next day, 20th, they continued demolishing the Works of the Castle, and in the Evening set all the Combustible part of it on Fire, and left it the same Night. I myself went on the next Day to see the Havock and Destruction they had made, the which surpass all discription & of which no man could have any tolerable Idea unless himself was made a Spectator; that once beautifull Fortress was now nothing more than a confused heap of Rubbish. The Enemy left the chief part of their Cannon, all of which (excepting three 18 lb. ers which were left entire) had either a Trunnion beat of or the Breechings broke of and all spiked up. We dug up several of their Boxes of powder, which were designed to blow up part of the Walls, but had not taken Fire.

The Enemies Fleet, which I left at Nantascet, remained there till Wednesday, 27 of March, when about half of their Number, consisting chiefly of Transports with a Few Convoys of Men of war, set sail & stood out to sea; the remaining Ships, excepting 4 Men of war (which they left at Nantascet), followed them the next Saturday.

The Fleet lying so long below made many People mistrustfull that their design was to reland in some part of the Harbour; therefore we kept strong Guards in every exposed part thereof. But it afterwards appeared that their long delay was occasioned by the Confusion and Hurry in which they quitted the Town, not having any time either to rig the Vessels or distribute the Provisions among the Vessels. Those which sailed first were said to contain the Families of the Tories which they shipped of for Halifax as soon as they could get them ready.

After the first part of the Fleet sailed, the other part was reinforced by several large Ships of war, but from whence they came I could never learn.

One of the Fleet having a valuable cargo of Stolen goods together with a number of Tories was cast away soon after on Cape Cod, & another whose Cargo was estimated at 35,000£ sterling was taken by Capt. Merry; what became of the others time will discover.

While the Fleet was lying at Nantascet, our People fixed several Fire Engines, which would undoubtedly have consumed some of their Fleet, but the Wind proving unfavourable detered us from putting our design in execution.

The Enemy having thus evacuated Boston & chiefly left the Harbour, the Army, excepting a few Regiments, were order'd to the Southward, as it was expected the Enemy were gone to the Southern Colonies. At least there was great danger of it; and as New York (I suppose) was thought to be the Center of the Colonies, they were ordered for that place. Many Regiments had already marched (& by accounts from them they had arrived at N. York) before the Fleet left Boston; the others, as I before mentioned, had orders to follow. Genl. Green's Brigade, consisting of 5 Regiments — Viz., Colns Varnum, Hitchcock, Little, Reed, & Bailey — had orders to March on Monday, the 1 of April, to New London by the Way of Norwich; butin the Night before their March Expresses came from Newport that the Enemy were seen of that Port, & that it was expected that they were about to land. This occasioned counter Orders for them to take Providence in their Way. I myself had to the First of April acted in the Regiment to which I belonged, Viz., in Cola Cary's Regt of Militia; but their time being expired, and having in the Evening before an Invitation to take the Place of one Lieut Shaw of Colm Baileys Regt, & having a desire to be farther instrumental in so glorious a Cause, & finding my acceptance of the office would be agreeable to the officers, I readily agreed to it, & Lieut. Col Jacobs went the next morning to Cambridge for the Generals approbation, which if I could obtain I was to follow the Regt. We found the Genl. very busie in wrighting dispatches, &c., that he could not attend to Buisness of such small Consequence; but upon Agt. Genl. Gates Promise of my having a Commission if I would follow the Army, I concluded to do it if I had the advice of Col Baily. I therefore return'd & asked Col. Baily, who advised me if I had an inclination, to go, & said he made no doubt but that I should be as well used as if Time had permitted the Genl. to have given me a Commission. I therefore concluded to follow the next Morning, & to spend the Evening in wrighting to acquaint my Friends of my New undertaking, which I accordingly did; & the next morning the 2d of April set out to overtake the Regt, which I affected that after Noon. I found Capt Allen to whose Company I belonged to be a very agreable Companion, & his Company a Civil Set of People. As I was entirely unacquainted with any Person in the Company, I had previously enquired of my Friends as to their Characters before I engaged to serve, & found that the Capt & his other officers had the character of civil & agreable Gentlemen, & upon my further acquaintance with them I found their Good Characters to surpass my expectations. 4th of April we arrived at Providence; the Roads being bad and the Rainy Weather prevented our arriving sooner. Nothing very material happened during our March. On the road I saw Mrs. Atwood and Miss R. Sears, and Breakfasted with them at Mr. Atwoods House in I found the Town of Providence very agreably scituated on each side of a River. Several very elegant Buildings; in perticular the Baptist Meeting House & the College, a little east of the Town. We tarried here but one Night, & the next Day sat out for Norwich in Connecticut.

At Providence I saw building two neat Frigates . . .

[Here a page is gone]

. . . fellow had hired to take care of his Farm, coincided very well in each other's Opinions, & I believe no part of the old Mans Estate suffered for the want of Cultivation.

SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, pp. 15-21

Review: Tyrants and Rogues

Tyrants and Rogues: Understanding the Declaration of Independence

By Robert G. Parkinson

The Declaration of Independence remains the foremost founding document of the United States. Two hundred and fifty years after its creation, its most famous passage continues to resonate with Americans of all ages: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” This powerful statement established an enduring ideal that has shaped the American identity. Although the nation has never fully achieved the lofty principles expressed in those words, generations of Americans have worked—and continue to work—to move closer to that vision of equality and liberty.

Yet many Americans overlook the Declaration of Independence’s primary purpose: to present a detailed list of grievances against British rule and explain why the thirteen colonies chose to sever their political ties with Parliament and King George III. The document declared that these colonies were no longer subjects of the British Empire but independent states united together as a new nation—the United States of America.

This list of grievances—and the British and American figures whose actions contributed to them—is the focus of Robert G. Parkinson’s new book, Tyrants and Rogues: Understanding the Declaration of Independence. In the work, Parkinson examines the individuals, conflicts, and circumstances that shaped the complaints that ultimately led the thirteen colonies to declare independence.

Parkinson, a professor of history at Binghamton University, examines each of the Declaration of Independence’s twenty-seven grievances, exploring their origins and historical context while providing brief biographies of the individuals whom American Patriots viewed as the “tyrants and rogues” responsible for Britain’s abuses of power. Among those featured are King George III; British statesmen and nobles such as Lords Bute, Dartmouth, Dunmore, Hillsborough, Mansfield, North, Percy, and Sandwich; royal governors Thomas Hutchinson, Josiah Martin, and William Tryon; and British military leaders Thomas Gage, William Howe, John Burgoyne, and Henry Clinton. Through these figures, Parkinson places a human face on the complaints that helped propel the thirteen colonies toward independence.

Tyrants and Rogues is an indispensable resource for anyone studying the Declaration of Independence and the origins of the American Revolution. Parkinson’s narrative moves seamlessly through time as he examines each grievance, occasionally looking backward to explain its origins while generally following a chronological progression toward independence. The book is well written, thoroughly researched, and presented in an accessible style that makes complex historical events and personalities easy to understand. Particularly valuable is the appendix containing Thomas Jefferson’s original, unedited manuscript of the Declaration, allowing readers to compare Jefferson’s initial wording with the final version approved by the Continental Congress.

ISBN 978-1324124542, W. W. Norton & Company, © 2026, Hardcover, 352 Pages, 41 Illustrations, Appendix, End Notes & Index. $31.99.  To Purchase the book click HERE.

Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, March 1775

For the purpose of enforcing submission to the cruel mandates of the royal government, a reinforcement of the British army has arrived at Boston; and General Gage is appointed Governor and Commander in Chief. An armed fleet also occupies the harbor; and the whole port is closed against all but British vessels. In short, the horrors of civil war seem stalking, with rapid strides, towards our devoted country. The people have resorted to the expedient of abolishing all the courts of justice under the new regulations. In our shire towns the populace have collected in sufficient numbers to bar the doors of the court houses, and prohibit the entrance of judges and officers; the jurors are so intimidated, or zealous in the good cause, that in general they refuse to take the oath, or to act in any manner under the new modification of government; and the clerks of courts, who have issued warrants by which the jurors are summoned, have in many instances been compelled to acknowledge their contrition, and to publish in the newspapers, a full recantation. At the regular term of the Court of Common Pleas at Barnstable, in September last, I witnessed the following prompt procedure. A body of about twelve hundred men assembled and obstructed the passage to the court house door. The leader of this assemblage was Dr. Nathaniel Freeman, a bold son of liberty, of Sandwich. Colonel James Otis, the chief justice of the court, preceded by the sheriff, approached; and the venerable chief justice demanded admission. Dr. Freeman replied that it was the intention of the people to prevent the court's being opened to exercise those unconstitutional powers, with which they are invested by Parliament. The chief justice, in his majesty's name, commanded them to disperse, and permit the court to enter and proceed to business. But his majesty's name had lost its power; it can have no charms with the sons of liberty. The venerable judge then said he had acquitted himself of his duty, and retired. This proceeding had been discussed and concerted prior to the court term; and Colonel Otis himself, a stanch whig, was, it is believed, not only apprized of, but actually acquiesced in, this bold measure. This excellent man is now advanced to about 74 years in life; he is considered as possessing sound sense and good judgment; and as being of the purest integrity. He has been, for many years, the leading law character in the Old Colony, and a member of his majesty's council of the province; but his patriotism and zeal in the cause of our country have rendered him and his family exceedingly odious to Governor Hutchinson, and other adherents of the crown. Colonel Otis is the parent of that great champion, and able advocate for liberty and the rights of man, James Otis, jun. Esq.

This gentleman is now in a melancholy state of mental derangement; and all New England is deploring the irreparable loss of the talents, eloquence, and patriotic services of this justly celebrated character. Colonel Otis has two other sons, Joseph and Samuel Allen Otis who are active whigs; and a daughter, married to James Warren, Esq. of Plymouth, who is now President of our Provincial Congress. Though no judicial courts are in existence, few crimes are committed; all is peace, order and regularity. The people are their own rulers, and never was there less need of penal laws. Trivial disputes are mutually adjusted or decided by reference; pecuniary demands are suspended, and the simple recommendations of Congress, and of our committees of safety, receive that cheerful acquiescence which is scornfully denied to the coercive edicts emanating from despotic power. For

"Freedom has a thousand charms to show,

That slaves, howe'er contented, never know."

We have a Provincial Congress in session at Concord, consisting of delegates elected by the people, and also a grand Continental Congress at Philadelphia, composed of characters highly distinguished for political wisdom, rigid patriotism and public virtue.

The public indignation is now greatly excited by the following shameful transaction. The people from the country, whose business called them into Boston, were suspected by the officers, of purchasing guns from their soldiers. In order to furnish an opportunity to inflict punishment and to raise occasion for a serious quarrel, Lieutenant Colonel Nesbit of the forty-seventh regiment ordered a soldier to offer a countryman an old rusty musket. A man from Billerica was caught by this bait and purchased the gun for three dollars. The unfortunate man was immediately seized by Nesbit and confined in the guard house all night. Early next morning they stripped him entirely naked, covered him over with warm tar, and then with feathers, placed him on a cart and conducted him through the streets as far as liberty-tree, where the people began to collect in vast numbers, and the military, fearing for their own safety, dismissed the man, and retreated to their barracks. The party consisted of about thirty grenadiers with fixed bayonets, twenty drums and fifes playing the Rogues' March, headed by the redoubtable Nesbit with a drawn sword! What an honorable deed for a British field officer and grenadiers! The selectmen of Billerica remonstrated with General Gage respecting this outrage, but obtained no satisfaction.

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 13-16

Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, April 21, 1775

Intelligence is now received that the British regulars have marched out of Boston, and actually commenced hostilities against our people at Lexington. For the purpose of ascertaining the particular facts, I have been desired to wait on Col. Otis, at his mansion in this town. It was in the evening, when I found this dignified patriot in his easy chair, with several of his neighbors listening with agitated spirits to some account of this first most awful tragedy. The good old gentleman had received a letter containing a statement of some particulars, and with manifest trepidation he said to this effect. "The British troops marched to Lexington and Concord last Wednesday, the 19th instant, for the purpose of destroying some of our military stores; our militia collected and met them at Lexington; the regulars soon commenced firing on them; our people returned the fire; a smart skirmish ensued, and several men were killed on both sides. The British were compelled to retreat, in some confusion, to Boston; and our people pursued and harassed them. The fearful day has arrived! a civil war has actually commenced in our land. We must be prepared for the worst, and may God preserve and protect our country." This tragical event seems to have electrified all classes of people; the brave are fired with manly resentment, the timid overwhelmed in despair; the patriotic whigs sorrowing over public calamities, while the tories indulge the secret hope, that the friends of liberty are about to receive their chastisement. The sword is now unsheathed, and our friends are slaughtered by our cruel enemies; expresses are hastening from town to town, in all directions through the country, spreading the melancholy tidings and inspiriting and rousing the people To Arms! To Arms! The people of New England have taken the alarm, and their hearts are animated even to enthusiasm. There is an enthusiasm in religion, in politics, in military achievements, and in gallantry and love, and why not an enthusiasm in the love of country? No species of enthusiasm surely can be more laudable, or more honorable. Never was a cause more just, more sacred than ours; we are commanded to defend the rich inheritance bequeathed to us by our virtuous ancestors; and it is our bounden duty to transmit it uncontaminated to posterity; we must fight valiantly therefore, for our lives and property, for our holy religion, for our honor, and for our dearest friends. We are not born to be slaves, and are resolved to live and die, free; appealing to the sovereign Ruler of the Universe for the justice of our cause, and relying on his Almighty arm for protection and support. A certain number of active men, in every town, have formed themselves into military companies, under the name of minute men; they are daily practising the manual exercise, and are held in constant readiness to march against the enemy at a moment's warning. We await with trembling expectation the issue of every hour.

Authenticated accounts are now received of the battle at Lexington. On Tuesday evening, 18th instant, General Gage despatched, with as much secrecy as possible, a detachment consisting of eight or nine hundred regulars, under the command of Lieutenant Col. Smith, for the purpose of destroying some military stores, which our people had deposited at Concord, about eighteen miles from Boston. Having arrived at Lexington, six miles short of Concord, they were met by a company of militia, of about one hundred men, who having taken the alarm, began to assemble from different towns before daylight. They were assembled near the church, about sunrise; when the British advanced in quick march to within a few rods, Major Pitcairn called out, "Disperse you Rebels, throw down your arms and disperse." Their small number would not admit of opposition, and while they were dispersing, the regulars huzzaed, and immediately one or two pistols were fired by the officers, and four or five muskets by the soldiers; when a pretty general discharge from the whole party followed, by which eight of our people were killed and seven wounded. The British now renewed their march to Concord, where they destroyed a few articles of stores and sixty barrels of flour. Here they were met by about one hundred and fifty militia men, on whom they fired and killed two, and wounded others. Our militia and minute men were now collecting in considerable numbers, and being justly enraged they made a bold and furious attack on the enemy, and drove them in quick march to Lexington. General Gage having received intelligence of the critical situation of his troops, immediately ordered out Lord Percy, with a large reinforcement, with two field pieces. He marched over the neck through Roxbury, his music playing by way of contempt and derision the tune of "Yankee doodle." This timely reinforcement joined the party under command of Colonel Smith at Lexington, which formed a force of about eighteen hundred men. They soon deemed it prudent to commence their march to Boston, the provincial militia and minute men, continually increasing in numbers, pursued and flanked them with the hope of cutting off their retreat. A Constant skirmishing ensued; the provincials concealed themselves behind stone walls, and with a sure aim thinned their enemies' ranks, and occasioned among them great confusion. On their side, they could only keep up a scattering fire, without effect, frequently firing over the stone walls, when there was not a man to be seen behind them. The great object of the British, was to effect a safe retreat to Boston; but, to avenge themselves, they burnt and plundered houses, destroyed property, and actually murdered several innocent unarmed persons. The situation of the king's forces was, during the day, extremely hazardous; and it is considered wonderful that any of them escaped. Worn down and almost exhausted with fatigue, and their ammunition nearly expended, they had become nearly defenceless when they reached Charlestown, in the evening, after a loss of two hundred and seventy three men, killed, wounded and prisoners. The loss on the side of the Provincials is eighty eight in the whole. The British officers have received a specimen of Yankee courage, which they have hitherto affected to hold in the most sovereign contempt; they have ascertained by fatal experience, that the people of New England will bid defiance to their veteran regulars, and fight courageously in defence of their rights. It is truly said to be matter of astonishment and chagrin, that after all their glorying, their veteran troops have been compelled to flee before a comparatively small number of undisciplined Yankees. The origin of this term, so frequently employed by way of reproach to the New England people, is said to be as follows. A farmer, by name Jonathan Hastings, of Cambridge, about the year 1713 used it as a cant, favorite word, to express excellency when applied to any thing; as a Yankee good horse, Yankee cider, &c. meaning an excellent horse and excellent cider. The students at college, having frequent intercourse with Mr. Hastings, and hearing him employ the term on all occasions, adopted it themselves, and gave him the name of Yankee Jonathan; this soon became a cant word among the collegians to express a weak, simple, awkward person, and from college it was carried and circulated through the country, till, from its currency in New England, it was at length taken up and unjustly applied to the New Englanders in common, as a term of reproach. It was in consequence of this that a particular song called "Yankee doodle," was composed in derision of those scornfully called Yankees.*

_______________

* There appears some incongruity in the above definition of the word Yankee. The following is supposed by some to be the origin from which it is derived. "Yankee is the Indian corruption of English. Yenglees, Yangles, Yankles, and finally Yankee."

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 16-20

Journal of Sally Wister, October 19, 1777

Here, my dear, passes an interval of several weeks, in which nothing happen'd worth the time and paper it wou'd take to write it.¹ The English, however, in the interim, had taken possession of the city.

Second Day, October the 19th, 1777.

Now for new and uncommon scenes. As I was lying in bed, and ruminating on past and present events, and thinking how happy I shou'd be if I cou'd see you, Liddy came running into the room, and said there was the greatest drumming, fifing, and rattling of waggons that ever she had heard. What to make of this we were at a loss.  We dress'd and down stairs in a hurry. Our wonder ceas'd.

The British had left Germantown, and our Army was marching to take possession. It was the general opinion that they wou'd evacuate the capital.² Sister Betsy³ and myself, and G. E.⁴ went about half a mile from home, where we cou'd see the army pass. Thee will stare at my going, but no impropriety in my opine, or I wou'd not have gone. We made no great stay, but return'd with excellent appetites for our breakfast.

Several officers call'd to get some refreshment, but none of consequence till the afternoon. Cousin Prissa⁵ and myself were sitting at the door; I in a green skirt, dark short gown, &c. Two genteel men of the military order rode up to the door: "Your servant, ladies," &c; ask'd if they cou'd have quarters for Genl. Smallwood. Aunt Foulke thought she cou'd accommodate them as well as most of her neighbours, - said they could. One of the officers dismounted, and wrote

SMALLWOOD'S QUARTERS

over the door, which secured us from straggling soldiers. After this he mounted his steed and rode away.

When we were alone our dress and lips were put in order for conquest, and the hopes of adventures gave brightness to each before passive countenance.

Thee must be told of a Dr. Gould,⁶ who, by accident, had made an acquaintance with my father, — a sensible, conversible man, a Carolinian, — and had come to bid us adieu on his going to that state. Daddy had prevailed upon him to stay a day or two with us.

In the evening his Generalship⁷ came with six attendants, which compos'd his family, a large guard of soldiers, a number of horses and baggage-waggons. The yard and house were in confusion, and glitter'd with military equipments.

Gould was intimate with Smallwood, and had gone into Jesse's to see him. While he was there, there was great running up and down stairs, so I had an opportunity of seeing and being seen, the former the most agreeable, to be sure. One person, in particular, attracted my notice. He appear'd cross and reserv'd; but thee shall see how agreeably disappointed I was.

Dr. Gould usher'd the gentlemen into our parlour, and introduced them, "Gen'l Smallwood, Capt. Furnival, Major Stodard, Mr. Prig, Capt. Finley,⁸ and Mr. Clagan,⁹ Col. Wood, and Col. Line." These last two did not come with the Gen'l. They are Virginians, and both indispos'd. The Gen'l and suite are Marylanders.

Be assur'd I did not stay long with so many men, but secur'd a good retreat, heart-safe, so far. Some sup'd with us, others at Jesse's. They retir'd about ten, in good order.

How new is our situation! I feel in good spirits, though surrounded by an Army, the house full of officers, the yard alive with soldiers, — very peaceable sort of men, tho'. They eat like other folks, talk like them, and behave themselves with elegance; so I will not be afraid of them, that I won't.

Adieu. I am going to my chamber to dream, I suppose, of bayonets and swords, sashes, guns, and epaulets.

________________

¹ We are unfortunately given nothing in relation to the Battle of Germantown, which occurred October 4th, in this interval. The omission is difficult to understand, becauses she alludes, later, to "the battle of Germantown, and the horrors of that day." — H. M. J.

² On this date the British withdrew from Germantown into Philadelphia, and the Americans moved down the Skippack Road, and the roads adjacent, to take a nearer position. Washington's headquarters, for some days, were at "James Morris's, on the Skippack road," and on the 2d of November, at Whitemarsh, at the Emlen mansion hereafter mentioned. It was the movement of troops down the Morris road, no doubt, "half a mile away," — that Sally and her friends went to see. — H. M. J.

³ ELIZABETH WISTER, Sally's sister, born February 27, 1764.

⁴ GEORGE EMLEN, son of George and Ann (Reckless) Emlen, was born in Philadelphia, February 25, 1741, and died November 23, 1812. He was married to Sarah Fishbourne, daughter of William and Mary (Talman) Fishbourne, at Pine Street Friends' Meeting, Philadelphia, February 1, 1775. The Emlens had a country seat at Whitemarsh, fourteen miles north of the city. This estate was purchased by George Emlen, Sr., a wealthy Quaker merchant of Philadelphia, in 1745, and at his death, January 3, 1776, it had come into possession of his widow, Ann Emlen, his son George Emlen, Jr., and the other heirs. The Emlen mansion was used by General Washington as his headquarters during the encampment of the Continental Army at Whitemarsh, in the late autumn of 1777, and it was here a few months later that Sally Wister visited and wrote part of the Journal. The house is still standing near Camp Hill Station on the Reading Railroad. It is now owned by the estate of the late Charles T. Aiman. — Phila. Deeds, G. 7, p. 359; Emlen family records.

⁵ PRISCILLA FOULKE, daughter of William and Hannah, and sister of Caleb, Amos, and Jesse; "Cousin " simply by courtesy, as she was not of kin to Sally. She was born Oct. 3, 1744, and died Jan. 25, 1821, unmarried. — H. M. J.

⁶ DAVID GOULD, of Virginia, was appointed Hospital Surgeon in the Continental Line, September 8, 1777, and Senior Hospital Surgeon in Virginia, October 11, 1779. He died July 12, 1781, "while on his way to Philadelphia to settle his accounts." (Heitman; "American State Papers," xix., 21). Our journalist thus notes his death, in the back part of the book containing her Journal:

"August, 1781. And must I again trace with my pen an account of the death of another of our Northwales friends? The worthy Dr. Gould: — the last scene of his life was clos'd at Hartford [Harford?] in Maryland. Clos'd forever those lips, from which proceeded the most beautiful sentiments, cloath'd in the most elegant expressions. Silent forever that silver tongue, that charm'd the listening audience. Flown to happier regions that heart, where all the social virtues resided, where disappointment shall never enter.

"I hope

“‘The hand of friendship rais'd his languid head

“‘And smooth'd the pillow of his dying bed.’”

⁷ WILLIAM SMALLWOOD, son of Bayne and Priscilla (Heabard) Smallwood, was born in Maryland in 1732. His father was a merchant and planter, at one time presiding officer of the Court of Common Pleas, and also a member of the House of Burgesses; his mother was a native of Virginia. At an early age he was sent to school in England, where he finished his education. On January 2, 1776, he was made Colonel of the Maryland Battalion, and on July 10, with nine companies, he joined Washington in New York. His troops took an active part in the Battle of Brooklyn Heights, and at White Plains. At White Plains he was wounded, and for his gallantry on the occasion Congress appointed him a Brigadier-General, October 23, 1776. He was present at the Battles of Brandywine and Germantown. At the latter place his Maryland troops retrieved the day, and captured part of the enemy's camp. During the winter of 1777-1778 he was stationed at Wilmington, Delaware. He won new laurels in the southern campaign, and received the thanks of Congress. In September, 1780, he was given the rank of Major-General, and remained in the army until the close of the war. In 1785, he was elected to Congress, but in the same year was chosen Governor of Maryland, and served in the latter office until 1788. He then retired to his plantation called "Mattawoman," on the Potomac, in Charles County, and resided there during the remainder of his life. The registers of Durham Parish show that he took an active part in the vestry meetings. In 1791 his subscription to the Vestry was estimated on three thousand pounds of tobacco, the largest crop in the parish. He died unmarried, February 14, 1792, and is buried on his plantation; his estate passed to collateral heirs. His old Colonial homestead, built of brick, still stands upon a high promontory on the shore of the Potomac. On July 4, 1898, the Sons of the American Revolution erected there a granite monument to his memory. — Nat. Cyc. of Amer. Bio., IX., 292; Heitman; Md. Journal and Balt. Advertiser, Feb. 21, 1792.

⁸ EBENEZER FINLEY, of Maryland, made Captain of Maryland Artillery, July 4, 1777. This company formed part of the First Continental Artillery, May 30, 1778. In June, 1780, Captain Finley became Department Judge Advocate of the Southern Department, and continued in that office until the close of the war. Heitman.

⁹ HORATIO CLAGETT, or Claggett, son of Thomas Clagett, of "Piscataway," St. George's County, Maryland, served as Ensign of the Third Battalion Maryland Flying Camp, from July to

December, 1776. He became First Lieutenant of the third Maryland regiment, December 10, 1776, and Captain, October 10, 1777. He was transferred to the Fifth Maryland, January 1, 1781, and to the Third Maryland, January 2, 1783. He was retained in the Maryland Battalion, April, 1783, and on the 30th of September was given the rank of Brevet-Major. His service in the army continued until November 3, 1783. After the war he went to London, England, married and died there. — Heitman; W. W. Bowie, "Bowies and Their Kindred (Washington, D. C., 1899), 399.

SOURCE: Albert Cook Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 73-8

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, February 23, 1774

Our old friend Sam' Sansom Sen, departed this life. this morning.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 39

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, April 27, 1774

H. D. and E. D. took a ride to Kensington. Climbed up ye side of our new ship which is building there. Came home by Charles West's place.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 39

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, May 3, 1774

Gov^r H—l—n carted round ye Town, and burnt in effigy.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 39

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, June 6, 1774

H. D. and E. D. went in our Chaise as far as Frankford with our neighbors, Rich^d and Eliz^h Waln, who are on their way to their mill, near Crosswicks, N. J., where they are going to reside. Rob^t Waln and wife went with them as far as Bristol. We took leave of them at our place at Frankford.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 39

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, June 22, 1774

Our four children, Nancy Waln, Hannah and Polly Drinker, went in our waggon to Kensington—Jacob and Harry went on foot, to see ye new ship Chalkley launched; ye second of that name belonging to James & Drinker.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 39

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, July 3, 1774

B. Trapnell taken unwell with a sick stomach and fever; Dr Parke attends him. He continued ye same till ye morning of ye 9th, without our being apprehensive of the danger he was in, or Dr Parke, tho' Benny had desired him to call in Dr Kearsley—who did not see him till ye 9th, when he was much changed for the worse. His fever had changed to billious; he departed this life about 4 o'clock, ye morning of ye 10th—First day—and was so much changed by 9 o'clock, that ye Doctors advised by all means to bury him that day, which was accordingly done, between 7 and 8 o'clock in ye evening.

Benny was in his 27th or 28th year—much lamented by all of us. 

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 39

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, July 15, 1774

H. D. left home for Atsion. Hilary Baker lodges here in ye place of our poor Benny, whom we miss very much.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 40

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, August 4, 1774

Ye new ship Chalkley, Edward Spain, master, sailed this afternoon for Bristol.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 40

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, August 26, 1774

Reb^a Waln and her daughter Nancy, M. S., E. D., Sally, Nancy and Billy went to see the Waxworks made by Mrs Wells, opposite ye Royal White Oak.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 40

Journal of Elizabeth Sandwith Drinker, September 14, 1774

H. D., E. D. and Sally went to Frankford on Horseback. H. D. on Wild-deer, Sally on ye mare, E. D. on Noble. We were overtaken by two of Owen Jones's daughters, who went with us to A. James'. We came home the Point road—10 miles.

SOURCE: Henry D. Biddle, Editor, Extracts from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker from 1759 to 1807, A.D., p. 40

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Wednesday, June 1, 1774

Waiting with a great deal of impatience for a passage to Alexandria. I am informed that the Land is much better the higher you go up the River. If it is not, I will not settle in this part of the Country. 

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 19

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Thursday, June 2, 1774

Spent the afternoon at Colonel Harrison's. Find him a very intelligent man and seems to take a pleasure in communicating the customs and manners of his countrymen. Captn. Knox returned to Nanjemoy this evening and gave me an invitation to go with him to Annapolis, which I intend to accept.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 19

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Friday, June 3, 1774

Port Tobacco, Maryland. Hired a horse and crossed Nanjemoy Creek. Got to Port Tobacco in the evening. This is a small town situated at the head of a Creek of the same name. The County Courts are held here and a Warehouse for the inspection of Tobacco. Several Scotch Factors are settled here.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, pp. 19-20

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Saturday, June 4, 1774

Marlbro, Maryland. Left Port Tobacco in company with Mr. John Creig, a Scotch Merchant, Doctor Gustavus Richard Brown, and Captn. Knox. Dined at Piscataway, a small town 16 miles from Port Tobacco. Our victuals badly drest, and sour. Madeira Wine at 7/6 per Bottle. From Piscataway to Marlbro 16 miles. Saw the quarter of a Negro man chained to a Tree for murdering his overseer. Land in general appears barren and thinly inhabited, some places sandy and others a sort of stiff clay, but plenty of fine Orchards, and I observe they generally plant a Peach Orchard on the worst land. They had a frost on the 9th. of May, which has killed a great number of Trees, the woods for a mile together seem dead and withered.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 20

Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, Sunday, June 5, 1774

Annapolis, Maryland. Left Marlbro early this morning. Crossed Potuxen River at Mount Pleasant Ferry. Some good Land after this River. Breakfasted at Rollin's, a Public House, but in this Country called Ordinaries, and indeed they have not their name for nothing, for they are ordinary enough. Have had either Bacon or Chickens every meal since I came into the Country. If I still continue in this way shall be grown over with Bristles or Feathers. From Rollin's to London town on South River. This is a small, pleasant place at the head of the Bay, but no great trade. Crossed the South River and on to Annapolis to Dinner, 22 Miles from Marlbro. Land very indifferent from London town to Annapolis.

SOURCE: Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 20