We hear frightfull News of a Fleets having arrived at Boston, & that the Enemy had taken Possession of Dorchester Hills; the last part is a Lye of the Day. Saw B. Stone.
SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, p. 31
Had News from England of the Resolutions of the Ministry to enforce their Measures the ensueing Summer by the Help of 25,000 New Troops from England & 20,000 Hessians, Hanoverians, Brunswickers, &c., from Germany, 12,000 of whom are destined for this place, 12,000 for Boston, 10,000 for Quebeck, & 11,000 for the Southern Provinces. These Forces are also to bring with them 27 Commissioners to grant Pardons, & to delude the People of England with a Pretence that Peaceable & honorable Terms of Accommodation are offered, but that we would not accept. Would it not have been more honourable for them, if they had any Intentions of an Accommodation, to have lain hold of the opportunity offered in the last Petition of the Congress? But this would not serve their Turn! But George must meanly beg the assistance of his Brother Robbers & Cuthroats, & by cringing & fawning to all Europe he hath been able to procure 20,000 Men, & these, with the Whole Armament of England, are to assist the Commissioners to treat with America for Peace. In the Mean Time America, seeing yt her Terms were slighted & discovering their Intentions, hath been busied in putting herself in the best Posture of Defence that the Nature of her Circumstances would admit. The affections of her Inhabitants (which before were strongly attached to Brittain, so that the People would have taken up satisfied with almost any Terms) have been more and more aliened from Brittain, that we are now upon the Eve of declaring ourselves independent of G. Brittain, & seting up an Empire for ourselves. What will be the Consequences of this God only Knows!
In the Afternoon I visited a very agreable Young Ladie of this City, Miss ——— ——— with whom I had before had a small acquaintance, as I had, while on Guard, shewn this young Ladie & the Company with her the Civility due to Persons of their appearance, Viz., of shewing them the Works, &c. She, in her Turn, was not so ungratefull as to take no Notice of me, but as I accidentally passed the House for several Times, I observed that she seemed to Compliment me with more respect than is usual, or than I deserved; but as I was bashfull, I no more than returned the Compliment, & passed by till at length I made bold to enter the House with the Gentleman that was with me; but as he was in a great Hurry I could not tarry long, but was obliged to depart, bitterly against my will; however I gave her Intimation that I should again call in, & as I could not discover but that it would be agreable, I took this opportunity to spend an Afternoon with her. I found playing upon her Spinet, upon which she performed to admiration; her Musick, joined to an agreeable Person, gave me very favourable Ideas of my New Acquaintance. I spent the After Noon with her in her own Apartment, Reading & Chatting, &c., till about 5 o'clock, when her Mother came and asked us to Tea. The Father was Absent, but her Mother was an agreable Woman, plainly dressed. They were Germans, who soon after they were married came into this Country. I know not whether they have an Estate or not. After Tea we spent About an Hour in the same Manner as before, when I was obliged to Attend Duty & took my leave, but Not till I had provided myself with some entertainin Books from her Library.
SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, pp. 32-4
Gen Election at Boston. I took a walk into the City.
SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, p. 37
This morning was published the Address of the Lords and Commons to his
Majesty, on the ninth of last February, wherein they declare Massachusetts Bay
in a state of rebellion, and countenanced and encouraged by unlawful
combinations in several of the other Colonies, and also, that all the
Bostonians who signed, as they call it, a league and covenant, are declared by
the crown lawyers, to have committed an overt act of high treason. Thereupon
were ordered for Boston, to chastise them, three regiments of foot, one of
dragoons, seven companies of marines, a large train of artillery.
Notwithstanding all this, some of our staunch friends in England beheld with
horror the ministerial proceedings, and as proof thereof, and to their lasting
fame be it recordered, that the Constitutional Society stepped forth, and
showed their dislike of those cruel proceedings by their resolving unanimously,
that One hundred Pounds sterling be sent by that Society to Dr. Franklin,
requesting him to transmit the same for the relief of the town of Boston.
SOURCE: William Duane, Editor, Passages from the Diary of
Christopher Marshall, Kept in Philadelphia and Lancaster during the
American Revolution, Vol. 1, 1774-1777, p. 17
* * Another account, being several extracts of letters per post, from
Boston, of the 19th and 20th, giving further account of the behaviour of the
troops, and of their precipitate retreat unto Charleston. See postscripts to
Pennsylvania Journal and Gazette, (No. 1690, and No. 2418.)
SOURCE: William Duane, Editor, Passages from the Diary of
Christopher Marshall, Kept in Philadelphia and Lancaster during the
American Revolution, Vol. 1, 1774-1777, p. 19
Watertown, Wednesday Morning, near 10 of the clock.
To all friends of American Liberty, be it known, that this morning before
break of day, a brigade consisting of about 1000 or 1200 men landed at Phipps's
Farm, at Cambridge and marched to Lexington, where they found a Company of our
Colony Militia in arms, upon whom they fired without any provocation, and
killed six men and wounded four others. By an express from Boston, we find
another brigade are now upon their march from Boston, supposed to be about 1000.
The bearer, Trail Bissel, is charged to alarm the country quite to Connecticut;
and all persons are desired to furnish him with fresh horses, as they may be
needed. I have spoken with several, who have seen the dead and wounded. Pray
let the Delegates from this Colony to Connecticut see this, they know Col.
Forster, one of the Delegates.
J. PALMER, one of the Committee.
A true Copy from the Original, per order of the Committee of
Correspondence of Worcester, April, 1775. Attested and forwarded by the
Committees of Brookline, Norwich, New London, Lyme, Saybrook, Killingsworth, E.
Guilford, Guilford, Brandford, New Haven.
Fairfield, Saturday, April 22, 8 o'clock.
SINCE the above was written we have received the following by a second
express.
I am this moment informed by an express from Woodstock, taken from the
mouth of the Express, then two of the clock, afternoon-That the contest between
the first Brigade that—marched to Concord was still continuing this morning at
the town of Lexington, to which said Brigade had retreated, that another
Brigade had, said to be the second mentioned in the letter of this morning,
landed with a quantity of Artillery at the place where the first did. The
Provincials were determined to prevent the two Brigades from joining their
strength if possible, and remain in great need of succour.
N. B. The
Regulars, when in Concord, burnt the Court House, took two pieces of cannon
which they rendered useless; and began to take up Concord bridge on which Capt.
——— (who with many on both sides were soon killed) made an attack upon the
king's troops, on which they retreated to Lexington.
P. S. Mr. McFarlan of Plainfield, Merchant, has just returned from
Boston, by way of Providence, who conversed with an express from Lexington, who
further informs, that 4000 of our troops had surrounded the first brigade above
mentioned, who were on a hill in Lexington, that the action continued, and
there were about 50 of our men killed, and 150 of the regulars, as near as they
could determine, when the express came away: it will be expedient for every man
to go who is fit and willing.
The above is a true copy as received per express from New Haven, and
attested by the Committee of Correspondence, from town to town. Attest
The above was received yesterday at 4 o'clock, by the Committee of New
York, and forwarded to Philadelphia, by ISAAC Low, Chairman of the Committee of
New York.
Printed by W. and T. BRADFORD.
SOURCE: William Duane, Editor, Passages from the Diary of
Christopher Marshall, Kept in Philadelphia and Lancaster during the
American Revolution, Vol. 1, 1774-1777, p. 20-1
Fair and very warm. great number of heavy guns fired at Boston, at Admiral Graves' departure.
SOURCE: Fitch Edward Oliver, Editor, The Diary of William Pynchon of Salem, p. 3
We hear of orders of Continental Congress to the Gen'l not to attack B.
SOURCE: Fitch Edward Oliver, Editor, The Diary of William Pynchon of Salem, p. 4
1 Captain Burke commanded the schooner Warren. History of Marblehead, p. 174.
SOURCE: Fitch Edward Oliver, Editor, The Diary of William Pynchon of Salem, p. 4
General Gage has issued a proclamation declaring theprovince of Massachusetts Bay to be in a state of rebellion, offering a pardon to all who will resort to his standard, and denouncing the penalty of martial law on all those who refuse to submit to his authority, or who shall be found aiding or corresponding with such as he has designated as unpardonable rebels and traitors. He has been pleased to proscribe by name, Mr. John Hancock and Mr. Samuel Adams, as objects of his exemplary vengeance. Yet, singular as it may appear, this same authorized Governor, and General in Chief of the royal army, is now cooped up in the town of Boston, panting for a country airing, of which he is debarred by his denounced rebels.
We are again shocked by intelligence that a terrible battle has been fought between the British regulars and the American soldiers, on Bunker, or rather Breed's hill, in Charlestown, near Boston, on the 17th instant. The report states that the whole town of Charlestown is burnt to ashes by the enemy, and that Dr. Joseph Warren, lately appointed Major General in our army, is killed; and that several hundreds of our soldiers are killed and wounded. battle, it is said, was extremely severe and destructive; but the provincial troops displayed the greatest courage and bravery, in the face of the regulars, and have obtained immortal honor. The British were several times defeated before they took possession of our works, and have suffered a loss of more than a thousand of their best troops; among whom are a large proportion of their most valuable officers. They are now taught that Americans can bid defiance to royal regulars, when called to defend their freedom. The situation of our country is truly deplorable, a civil war at our doors; our neighbors, our fathers and brothers, called from their families to encounter an inexorable enemy consisting indeed of brethren and kindred; our domestic peace and welfare cruelly interrupted, and the aspect of our public affairs gloomy in the extreme. All New England has become a theatre of military array; and every member of the community manifests the deepest concern for the great calamities, with which the country is afflicted, by the tyrannical measures of a corrupt administration. In the favor of Heaven and the wisdom of our Congress we repose all our hope and confidence. Participating, I trust, in the glorious spirit of the times, and contemplating improvement in my professional pursuits, motives of patriotism and private interest prompt me to hazard my fortune in this noble conflict, with my brethren in the Provincial army. From the critical and embarrassed situation of our country, numerous and almost insurmountable difficulties are opposed to my view; and I am too young to possess a maturity of judgment, but yet unable to resist the impulse of enthusiasm which characterizes the times. My friends afford me no encouragement, alleging, that as this is a civil war, if I should fall into the hands of the British the gallows will be my fate. The terrors of the gallows are not to be conquered, but I must indulge the hope that I may escape it. Hundreds of my superiors may take their turn before mine shall come. The tories assail me with the following powerful arguments. "Young man, are you sensible you are about to violate your duty to the best of kings, and run headlong into destruction? Be assured that this rebellion will be of short duration. The royal army is all powerful, and will, in a few months, march through the country and bring all to subjection; for they are experienced in war and expert in discipline. Their fleet is able to destroy every seaport town and beat down all our cities. There remains no rational alternative but a reconciliation and renewed obedience to our lawful government; or we shall soon experience their just vengeance. What is your army but an undisciplined rabble? Can they stand against an army of regulars? where are your cannon, your fire arms, your bayonets, and all your implements of war? above all, where is your treasure, and where can you look for a barrel of gun powder? the whole country can scarcely afford a sufficiency for a battle of an hour." Not a small portion of their reasoning I feel to be just and true. I am not certain, however, but much of it may prove erroneous. The result of the late battle at Charlestown should convince the most incredulous tory, that our soldiers will face the regular troops, and that we are blessed with the smiles of Heaven on our exertions. It would be presumption in me to determine as to possibilities and prospects; but the voice of liberty cannot be stifled, while the welfare and happiness of more than three millions of people now in America, and of unborn millions, are involved in the issue. Our rulers are the most competent judges, and under their banners I shall venture, I hope not rashly, to enlist, and trust my destiny in the hands of a kind and overruling Providence. My contemplated enterprise, it is true, requires the experience and resolution of riper years than tweny one, and qualifications, which I do not possess, to ingratiate myself with strangers and those in authority. Having consulted Joseph Otis, Esq. of Barnstable, on this occasion, he immediately applauded my enterprise, and politely furnished me with a letter to his brother-in-law James Warren, Esq. of Plymouth, who is President of our Provincial Congress at Watertown. Imagination could not fail to paint my prospects in bright colors, and I proceeded, July the 3d, with alacrity to the seat of Congress. I was not disappointed in my interview with Mr. Warren; my letter procured for me a favorable and polite reception. He honored me with his friendship and kind assistance, and introduced me to his lady, whose father's family and my own, have for many years been on terms of friendly intercourse. The office which I solicit is one in the medical department, in the provincial hospital at Cambridge. A medical board, consisting of Drs. Holton and Taylor, are appointed to examine the candidates; and they added my name to the list for examination, on the 10th instant. This state of suspense continuing several days, excites in my mind much anxiety and solicitude, apprehending that my stock of medical knowledge, when scanned by a learned committee, may be deemed inadequate, and all my hopes be blasted. While on my journey, a visit of a few days to my friends at Plymouth, gave me an opportunity to pay my respects to the rock, which received the first footsteps of our venerated forefathers. The inhabitants of this ancient town, from a reverence for the memory of the virtuous band of brothers from whom we derive our origin, have lately with commendable zeal and much labor, split off the upper portion of the rock, and removed it to a public square near the church and court house. This rock, with its associations, would seem almost capable of imparting that love of country, and that moral virtue, which our times so much require. We seem holding converse with the celestial spirits, and receiving monition from those who are at rest in their graves. Have these ancient sages bequeathed their mantle to posterity? Can we set our feet on their rock without swearing, by the spirit of our fathers, to defend it and our country? If we reflect on their matchless enterprise, their fortitude, and their sufferings, we must be inspired with the spirit of patriotism, and the most invincible heroism. Unappalled by the dangers of unknown seas, and the perils and the hardships of a savage wilderness, they left their native country and undertook a settlement which promises, through ages, to remain the rich abode of knowledge, religion, virtue and freedom. Let us then cherish a becoming sense of the exalted privileges inherited from our ancestors, and resolve to defend them against all attempts of a corrupt administration.
SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 24-8
1 Stephen Moylan was appointed by Washington
one of his aids-de-camp, and afterward was made commissary-general.
2 Jonathan Waldo, a son of Jonathan and Mary
Waldo, was born in Boston, June 21, 1754. He was druggist, mayor, and
selectman.
SOURCE: Fitch Edward
Oliver, Editor, The Diary of William
Pynchon of Salem, pp. 2-3
I spent the greatest
part of my Time in viewing the City, which I found vastly surpassing my
Expectations. The City is nearly as populous as the Town of Boston; the Publick
Edifices greater in number, yet not in general so grand & Magnificent as
those of Boston. I found the Town, or City, scituated between two Rivers. The
one Runing about North, called the North River, is the same which is navigable
up as far as Albany, about Miles; the other River is that which seperateth Long
Island from the Continent, and runs Easterly, one part of which is called Hell Gate
(very metaphorically so called). In the Town we found every street leading from
the Water almost stoped with Breast Works built by Genl Lee on his arrival in
this Town, to prevent the Enemy from landing to set fire to the Town. On the
South west part of the Town, which is a Point between the two Rivers, is a very
strong & costly Fort built by the Kings Troops & many masons men for
the Protection of the City from the Enemy.
1 I have since been informed it was bought by
the subscription of the Gentlemen of this City. - I. B.
SOURCE: Edward
Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29,
1776, pp. 24-6
Since the
catastrophe at Lexington, our Provincial Congress have addressed the several
towns of the colony in a circular letter, in the following impressive language.
"We conjure you by all that is dear, by an that is sacred, that you give
all assistance possible in forming the Army. Our all is at stake. Death and
devestation are the certain consequences of delay. Every moment is infinitely
precious. An hour lost may deluge your country in blood, and entail perpetual
slavery on the few of your posterity who may survive the carnage. We beg and
entreat, as you will answer it to your country, to your consciences, and, above
all, as you will answer it to God himself, that you will hasten and encourage,
by all possible means, the enlistment of men to form the Army, and send them
forward to head quarters at Cambridge, with that expedition which the vast
importance and instant urgency of the affair demands."
It is scarcely
possible to describe the zeal and military ardor which pervades New England
since the battle at Lexington. It is supposed that nearly forty thousand men
have been in arms with the design of investing the town of Boston, and avenging
themselves on the enemy for their late slaughter of our brethren. The
universal voice is "starve them out." Drive them
from the town and let his majesty's ships be their only place of refuge. Our
Provincial Congress have resolved that an army of thirty thousand men be
immediately raised and established. A considerable number have already
enlisted, and being formed into regiments, have taken their station at
Cambridge and Roxbury. The country militia, in great numbers, have arrived from
various parts of New England; and the town of Boston is now invested on all
sides, and thus is the whole royal army reduced to the humble condition of a
besieged garrison. The situation of the inhabitants is deplorable; a
considerable proportion of the most affluent have removed into the country; but
others, from various circumstances, are compelled to remain and suffer all the
calamities of a besieged town and precarious subsistence. Instances indeed are
not wanting of members of families being torn from each other, women and
children flying from their husbands and parents, under the most afflictive and
destitute circumstances.
We are now
experiencing a singular kind of Interregnum in our Province; more than a year
has elapsed without any legal government, or any regular administration of law
and justice. No crimes, however, of an atrocious nature have, we believe, been
perpetrated; all classes of people appear to be submissive, under the influence
of the principles of moral rectitude and common justice; and the resolutions and
recommendations of Congress have all the weight and efficacy of laws. Our
domestic tranquillity is in some measure interrupted by a restless spirit among
the tories; but the great body of the community are actuated by the glorious
cause of our country's freedom. The maxim adopted by our enemies is, "Divide and conquer."
We enjoin the command, "Unite and be invincible." It is considered
infinitely important to encourage and promote a more perfect union among the
colonies, and harmony and unanimity among the people. "Liberty or
death." "Unite or die," are the mottos which blazon the
chronicles of the day, and embellish the military standards of almost every
militia company. man who does not acquiesce in the theme of liberty is marked
by the vigilant eye of suspicion, or stigmatized as an enemy to his country.
Liberty poles are erected in almost every town and village; and when a
disaffected tory renders himself odious, by any active conduct, with the view
of counteracting the public measures, he is seized by a company of armed men,
and conducted to the liberty pole, under which he is compelled to sign a
recantation, and give bonds for his future good conduct. In some instances, of
particular stubbornness and obstinacy, individuals have been imprisoned, or
their names have been published in the newspapers as enemies to their country.
It has indeed unfortunately happened, that a few individuals, in consequence of
their own indiscretion, have been the subjects of a more rigorous procedure.
Having fallen into the hands of those whose zeal has transported them beyond
the bounds of moderation, they have received from the rabble a coat of tar and
feathers, and in this predicament have been exposed to the scoffs and ridicule
of the populace. Such examples have the effect of striking terror into the
hearts of all the disaffected, and of restraining the whole party from acting
against the general sense of the people. The tories make bitter complaints
against the discipline which they receive from the hands of the whigs; their
language is, "You make the air resound with the cry of liberty, but
subject those who differ from you to the humble condition of slaves, not
permitting us to act, or even think, according to the dictates of conscience."
The reply is, "It is one of the first principles of a free government,
that the majority shall bear rule; our majority is immensely large; we have
undertaken the hazardous task of defending the liberties of our country against
the mighty power of Great Britian; and hold ourselves responsible for our
conduct. If you possess not patriotism and courage enough to unite your efforts
with ours, it is our duty to put it out of your power to injure the common
cause. If we are successful, your party and posterity will participate in the
important advantages to be derived from our efforts. If our party should be
crushed, then will yours in turn become triumphant." A small number of our
tories have abandoned their homes, their families and property, and resorted to
the standard of their royal master in Boston; consoling themselves in the
confident expectation of an ample reward, and a triumphant restoration. The
clergymen of New England are, almost without exception, advocates of whig
principles; there are a few instances only of the separation of a minister from
his people, in consequence of a disagreement in political sentiment. The tories
censure, in a very illiberal manner, the preacher who speaks boldly for the
liberties of the people, while they lavish their praises on him who dares to
teach the absurd doctrine, that magistrates have a divine right to do wrong,
and are to be implicitly obeyed. It is recommended by our Provincial Congress,
that on other occasions than the sabbath, ministers of parishes adapt their
discourses to the times, and explain the nature of civil and religious liberty,
and the duties of magistrates and rulers. Accordingly, we have from our pulpits
the most fervent and pious effusions to the throne of Divine Grace in behalf of
our bleeding, afflicted country. A zealous divine, who has been compelled to
abandon the people of his charge in Boston, on one occasion used, in the pulpit
at P***, the following emphatical language. "Oh! Lord, if our enemies will
fight us, let them have fighting enough. If more soldiers are on their way
hither, sink them, O Lord, to the bottom of the sea." Every heart
seemed ready to respond, "Amen, yea, let them have fighting enough."
SOURCE: James
Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War,
from 1775 to 1783, pp. 20-4
NOR is it doubted, if wee may Judge from the outward appearance of Persons, but that Mr. Lovell (tho in the Capacity of a Prisoner) embarqued with less reluctance than those Miscreants whose complicated offences against the Liberties of their Country denied them the Boon of continueing any longer as Freemen in this Land of Liberty; wherefore since by their Behaviour they had forfeited all right to Freedom, & were driven to the Alternitude of Slavery in this or in a foreign Land, they chose rather to imbarque and be in Servitude with other Slaves than to continue in their native Country & Suffer the just resentinent of their injured Brethren.
Many of these obnoxious animals (tho none of the most obnoxious) chose to tarry & rely upon the Mercy of their offended Countrymen than to hazard their Lives with the Fleet & Army, who were Miserably stocked with Provisions, — having nothing of Animal Food left but salt Meat, & that in so small a Quantity that their common allowance would consume it all in less than three Weeks; this account I had from a Friend of mine who tarried in Boston during the whole siege, who was well acquainted with their Scituation, & on whose veracity I think I can safely rely. In this miserable Scituation they left the Town & hauled of to Nantascet, where I shall, for the present, leave them. These Tories which remained were soon apprehended, & what fate they will receive at the hands of their injured Countrymen (for I can't call them Brethren) may be left by me undetermin'd as yet.
The Fatiegues & Hardships that were underwent by that part of the Army which were Stationed at Roxbury from the time of our first building upon the Hill, tho not eaqual to the Hardships which many of this Profession have endured, yet I think I may safely pronounce them hard. When we first arrived upon the Hills, as I before observed, we had no cover from the Weather but Apple Trees (a miserable Shelter from Storms & March Winds); for the Regulars had previously set fire to almost all the Houses & Barns on the Neck, two Barns & three small Houses only being left, & of these only the Barns were so situated as to afford shelter for the Army of 25 Hundred Men, or thereabouts, because of their Distance from the Works we were building. Therefore no particular Regiments could be stationed there, & it was absolutely necessary to keep at least that Number of Men constantly upon the Hills, & these must be drawn from those at Roxbury. This Party together with the Guards at Roxbury kept half of our Men on duty constantly, & many being taken ill about that time, some with what we termed the Hill Fever & others with real Sickness, many Men were obliged to be on Duty two Days & Nights successively. Moreover, because of the dangerous Scituation of the Causeway, we were obliged to go on to relieve the Parties on the Hills in the Night at 3 o'clock; this made it more fatiegueing, being in this manner broke of our Rest each Night.
Being myself unwell upon our first entering upon the Hills, I was unable to do but three Tours of Duty in this Manner, and had entered upon the fourth when I was so unwell that with much difficulty with the assistance of an able Bodied Man I got of from the Hills. I continued 2 Days in my Chamber and then walked out, but the Blody Flux raged so hard upon me & nothing suitable for my Diet being to be bought, it was thought best for me to go into the Country, whereupon I went to Concord & tarried several Days; but being unwilling to tarry any longer out of Camp than what was absolutely necessary, I returned about 3 Days before the enemy evacuated Boston. Being still unfit for Duty, nevertheless I undertook another Tour, seeing Duty had been so hard for the other Officers, — many of them by this Time being unwell & unfit for Duty. On the 24 of March, the enemy being gone down to Nantascet & it being thought best to have some steady forces upon the Hills, Col. Learneard's & Cole Cary's Regiments were both of them ordered upon the Hills. To the latter I belonged, & we moved on expecting to have found Barracks provided; but when we arrived we found that the Barracks provided for our Regt were not above half sufficient to contain them, neither were there Chimneys in any of them. Our being huddled in this manner with such accommodations upon the Hills was owing to the unfaithfullness of the Barrack Master, who had returned to the Genl. that a sufficiency of Barracks were finished to receive us. Yet in this Scituation, half killed with smoke, we found our Duty easier than when we lived at Roxbury & did Duty upon the Hills. Many of our People were sick, for whom a convenient House was provided at Roxbury; among these two only were very Dangerous, viz., Elisha Doane & Joseph Philips. Doane, after having been extreme low and weak, being several times looked upon as a dying Man, recovered so far that on my coming from Roxbury on the second of April he was able to sit up and in a likely way of recovery. But as to Philips, who was taken with a Pleurisy which afterwards turned to a Malignant Putrid Fever, God in his providence saw fit to take him to himself, as we trust, on the 30th of March. The next Day he was decently inter'd. On the 18th of March, the Enemy still keeping Possession of Castle William, I mounted the guard upon the Point near the Castle at not more than 1 of a Mile Distance; the night being very calm & my Duty calling me to visit the Centuries, I could hear them busiely employed, as I then supposed, in spiking up the Cannon & breaking of the Trunnions. This work they continued till the next day, 19th, when about 3 o'clock they began to blow up the Fortifications. This lasted till about sunset, when they set the Block House on the South Poin on Fire. Our Guard were now expecting to be relieved & were paraded to receive the relief; but the relief being detained, we were desirous to see the fire, & retired to a Hill about 10 Rods distance North from the Guard House, where we might have a full View. The Enemy, perceiving us upon the Hill within point Blank Shot of their Cannon, fired three 24 lb. Shot at us, neither of which went more than 2 yards above our Heads. The first & second would unavoidably have killed some of the men had they not have fell upon discovering the Flashes of their Guns; as it was, several of our Men by the Wind of the Balls were almost stuned. Neither of the Balls came nearer to me than 10 Yards Distance, tho I stood upon the Top of the Hill & never removed till after their fire was over. The other Men were in more danger after the first Shot; for the Enemy, knowing they would repair to the Guard House, had placed their Cannon so as to take them on their runing from the Hill. Tho horribly frightned by the whistling of the Balls, I considered this, and was the only Man that stood the Ground.
The next day, 20th, they continued demolishing the Works of the Castle, and in the Evening set all the Combustible part of it on Fire, and left it the same Night. I myself went on the next Day to see the Havock and Destruction they had made, the which surpass all discription & of which no man could have any tolerable Idea unless himself was made a Spectator; that once beautifull Fortress was now nothing more than a confused heap of Rubbish. The Enemy left the chief part of their Cannon, all of which (excepting three 18 lb. ers which were left entire) had either a Trunnion beat of or the Breechings broke of and all spiked up. We dug up several of their Boxes of powder, which were designed to blow up part of the Walls, but had not taken Fire.
The Enemies Fleet, which I left at Nantascet, remained there till Wednesday, 27 of March, when about half of their Number, consisting chiefly of Transports with a Few Convoys of Men of war, set sail & stood out to sea; the remaining Ships, excepting 4 Men of war (which they left at Nantascet), followed them the next Saturday.
The Fleet lying so long below made many People mistrustfull that their design was to reland in some part of the Harbour; therefore we kept strong Guards in every exposed part thereof. But it afterwards appeared that their long delay was occasioned by the Confusion and Hurry in which they quitted the Town, not having any time either to rig the Vessels or distribute the Provisions among the Vessels. Those which sailed first were said to contain the Families of the Tories which they shipped of for Halifax as soon as they could get them ready.
After the first part of the Fleet sailed, the other part was reinforced by several large Ships of war, but from whence they came I could never learn.
One of the Fleet having a valuable cargo of Stolen goods together with a number of Tories was cast away soon after on Cape Cod, & another whose Cargo was estimated at 35,000£ sterling was taken by Capt. Merry; what became of the others time will discover.
While the Fleet was lying at Nantascet, our People fixed several Fire Engines, which would undoubtedly have consumed some of their Fleet, but the Wind proving unfavourable detered us from putting our design in execution.
The Enemy having thus evacuated Boston & chiefly left the Harbour, the Army, excepting a few Regiments, were order'd to the Southward, as it was expected the Enemy were gone to the Southern Colonies. At least there was great danger of it; and as New York (I suppose) was thought to be the Center of the Colonies, they were ordered for that place. Many Regiments had already marched (& by accounts from them they had arrived at N. York) before the Fleet left Boston; the others, as I before mentioned, had orders to follow. Genl. Green's Brigade, consisting of 5 Regiments — Viz., Colns Varnum, Hitchcock, Little, Reed, & Bailey — had orders to March on Monday, the 1 of April, to New London by the Way of Norwich; butin the Night before their March Expresses came from Newport that the Enemy were seen of that Port, & that it was expected that they were about to land. This occasioned counter Orders for them to take Providence in their Way. I myself had to the First of April acted in the Regiment to which I belonged, Viz., in Cola Cary's Regt of Militia; but their time being expired, and having in the Evening before an Invitation to take the Place of one Lieut Shaw of Colm Baileys Regt, & having a desire to be farther instrumental in so glorious a Cause, & finding my acceptance of the office would be agreeable to the officers, I readily agreed to it, & Lieut. Col Jacobs went the next morning to Cambridge for the Generals approbation, which if I could obtain I was to follow the Regt. We found the Genl. very busie in wrighting dispatches, &c., that he could not attend to Buisness of such small Consequence; but upon Agt. Genl. Gates Promise of my having a Commission if I would follow the Army, I concluded to do it if I had the advice of Col Baily. I therefore return'd & asked Col. Baily, who advised me if I had an inclination, to go, & said he made no doubt but that I should be as well used as if Time had permitted the Genl. to have given me a Commission. I therefore concluded to follow the next Morning, & to spend the Evening in wrighting to acquaint my Friends of my New undertaking, which I accordingly did; & the next morning the 2d of April set out to overtake the Regt, which I affected that after Noon. I found Capt Allen to whose Company I belonged to be a very agreable Companion, & his Company a Civil Set of People. As I was entirely unacquainted with any Person in the Company, I had previously enquired of my Friends as to their Characters before I engaged to serve, & found that the Capt & his other officers had the character of civil & agreable Gentlemen, & upon my further acquaintance with them I found their Good Characters to surpass my expectations. 4th of April we arrived at Providence; the Roads being bad and the Rainy Weather prevented our arriving sooner. Nothing very material happened during our March. On the road I saw Mrs. Atwood and Miss R. Sears, and Breakfasted with them at Mr. Atwoods House in I found the Town of Providence very agreably scituated on each side of a River. Several very elegant Buildings; in perticular the Baptist Meeting House & the College, a little east of the Town. We tarried here but one Night, & the next Day sat out for Norwich in Connecticut.
At Providence I saw building two neat Frigates . . .
[Here a page is gone]
. . . fellow had hired to take care of his Farm, coincided very well in each other's Opinions, & I believe no part of the old Mans Estate suffered for the want of Cultivation.
SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, pp. 15-21
For the purpose of enforcing submission to the cruel mandates of the royal government, a reinforcement of the British army has arrived at Boston; and General Gage is appointed Governor and Commander in Chief. An armed fleet also occupies the harbor; and the whole port is closed against all but British vessels. In short, the horrors of civil war seem stalking, with rapid strides, towards our devoted country. The people have resorted to the expedient of abolishing all the courts of justice under the new regulations. In our shire towns the populace have collected in sufficient numbers to bar the doors of the court houses, and prohibit the entrance of judges and officers; the jurors are so intimidated, or zealous in the good cause, that in general they refuse to take the oath, or to act in any manner under the new modification of government; and the clerks of courts, who have issued warrants by which the jurors are summoned, have in many instances been compelled to acknowledge their contrition, and to publish in the newspapers, a full recantation. At the regular term of the Court of Common Pleas at Barnstable, in September last, I witnessed the following prompt procedure. A body of about twelve hundred men assembled and obstructed the passage to the court house door. The leader of this assemblage was Dr. Nathaniel Freeman, a bold son of liberty, of Sandwich. Colonel James Otis, the chief justice of the court, preceded by the sheriff, approached; and the venerable chief justice demanded admission. Dr. Freeman replied that it was the intention of the people to prevent the court's being opened to exercise those unconstitutional powers, with which they are invested by Parliament. The chief justice, in his majesty's name, commanded them to disperse, and permit the court to enter and proceed to business. But his majesty's name had lost its power; it can have no charms with the sons of liberty. The venerable judge then said he had acquitted himself of his duty, and retired. This proceeding had been discussed and concerted prior to the court term; and Colonel Otis himself, a stanch whig, was, it is believed, not only apprized of, but actually acquiesced in, this bold measure. This excellent man is now advanced to about 74 years in life; he is considered as possessing sound sense and good judgment; and as being of the purest integrity. He has been, for many years, the leading law character in the Old Colony, and a member of his majesty's council of the province; but his patriotism and zeal in the cause of our country have rendered him and his family exceedingly odious to Governor Hutchinson, and other adherents of the crown. Colonel Otis is the parent of that great champion, and able advocate for liberty and the rights of man, James Otis, jun. Esq.
This gentleman is now in a melancholy state of mental
derangement; and all New England is deploring the irreparable loss of the
talents, eloquence, and patriotic services of this justly celebrated character.
Colonel Otis has two other sons, Joseph and Samuel Allen Otis who are active
whigs; and a daughter, married to James Warren, Esq. of Plymouth, who is now
President of our Provincial Congress. Though no judicial courts are in
existence, few crimes are committed; all is peace, order and regularity. The
people are their own rulers, and never was there less need of penal laws.
Trivial disputes are mutually adjusted or decided by reference; pecuniary
demands are suspended, and the simple recommendations of Congress, and of our
committees of safety, receive that cheerful acquiescence which is scornfully
denied to the coercive edicts emanating from despotic power. For
"Freedom has a thousand charms to
show,
That slaves, howe'er contented, never
know."
We have a Provincial Congress in session at Concord,
consisting of delegates elected by the people, and also a grand Continental
Congress at Philadelphia, composed of characters highly distinguished for
political wisdom, rigid patriotism and public virtue.
The public indignation is now greatly excited by the following shameful transaction. The people from the country, whose business called them into Boston, were suspected by the officers, of purchasing guns from their soldiers. In order to furnish an opportunity to inflict punishment and to raise occasion for a serious quarrel, Lieutenant Colonel Nesbit of the forty-seventh regiment ordered a soldier to offer a countryman an old rusty musket. A man from Billerica was caught by this bait and purchased the gun for three dollars. The unfortunate man was immediately seized by Nesbit and confined in the guard house all night. Early next morning they stripped him entirely naked, covered him over with warm tar, and then with feathers, placed him on a cart and conducted him through the streets as far as liberty-tree, where the people began to collect in vast numbers, and the military, fearing for their own safety, dismissed the man, and retreated to their barracks. The party consisted of about thirty grenadiers with fixed bayonets, twenty drums and fifes playing the Rogues' March, headed by the redoubtable Nesbit with a drawn sword! What an honorable deed for a British field officer and grenadiers! The selectmen of Billerica remonstrated with General Gage respecting this outrage, but obtained no satisfaction.
SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 13-16
Intelligence is now received that the British regulars have marched out of Boston, and actually commenced hostilities against our people at Lexington. For the purpose of ascertaining the particular facts, I have been desired to wait on Col. Otis, at his mansion in this town. It was in the evening, when I found this dignified patriot in his easy chair, with several of his neighbors listening with agitated spirits to some account of this first most awful tragedy. The good old gentleman had received a letter containing a statement of some particulars, and with manifest trepidation he said to this effect. "The British troops marched to Lexington and Concord last Wednesday, the 19th instant, for the purpose of destroying some of our military stores; our militia collected and met them at Lexington; the regulars soon commenced firing on them; our people returned the fire; a smart skirmish ensued, and several men were killed on both sides. The British were compelled to retreat, in some confusion, to Boston; and our people pursued and harassed them. The fearful day has arrived! a civil war has actually commenced in our land. We must be prepared for the worst, and may God preserve and protect our country." This tragical event seems to have electrified all classes of people; the brave are fired with manly resentment, the timid overwhelmed in despair; the patriotic whigs sorrowing over public calamities, while the tories indulge the secret hope, that the friends of liberty are about to receive their chastisement. The sword is now unsheathed, and our friends are slaughtered by our cruel enemies; expresses are hastening from town to town, in all directions through the country, spreading the melancholy tidings and inspiriting and rousing the people To Arms! To Arms! The people of New England have taken the alarm, and their hearts are animated even to enthusiasm. There is an enthusiasm in religion, in politics, in military achievements, and in gallantry and love, and why not an enthusiasm in the love of country? No species of enthusiasm surely can be more laudable, or more honorable. Never was a cause more just, more sacred than ours; we are commanded to defend the rich inheritance bequeathed to us by our virtuous ancestors; and it is our bounden duty to transmit it uncontaminated to posterity; we must fight valiantly therefore, for our lives and property, for our holy religion, for our honor, and for our dearest friends. We are not born to be slaves, and are resolved to live and die, free; appealing to the sovereign Ruler of the Universe for the justice of our cause, and relying on his Almighty arm for protection and support. A certain number of active men, in every town, have formed themselves into military companies, under the name of minute men; they are daily practising the manual exercise, and are held in constant readiness to march against the enemy at a moment's warning. We await with trembling expectation the issue of every hour.
Authenticated accounts are now received of the battle at Lexington. On Tuesday evening, 18th instant, General Gage despatched, with as much secrecy as possible, a detachment consisting of eight or nine hundred regulars, under the command of Lieutenant Col. Smith, for the purpose of destroying some military stores, which our people had deposited at Concord, about eighteen miles from Boston. Having arrived at Lexington, six miles short of Concord, they were met by a company of militia, of about one hundred men, who having taken the alarm, began to assemble from different towns before daylight. They were assembled near the church, about sunrise; when the British advanced in quick march to within a few rods, Major Pitcairn called out, "Disperse you Rebels, throw down your arms and disperse." Their small number would not admit of opposition, and while they were dispersing, the regulars huzzaed, and immediately one or two pistols were fired by the officers, and four or five muskets by the soldiers; when a pretty general discharge from the whole party followed, by which eight of our people were killed and seven wounded. The British now renewed their march to Concord, where they destroyed a few articles of stores and sixty barrels of flour. Here they were met by about one hundred and fifty militia men, on whom they fired and killed two, and wounded others. Our militia and minute men were now collecting in considerable numbers, and being justly enraged they made a bold and furious attack on the enemy, and drove them in quick march to Lexington. General Gage having received intelligence of the critical situation of his troops, immediately ordered out Lord Percy, with a large reinforcement, with two field pieces. He marched over the neck through Roxbury, his music playing by way of contempt and derision the tune of "Yankee doodle." This timely reinforcement joined the party under command of Colonel Smith at Lexington, which formed a force of about eighteen hundred men. They soon deemed it prudent to commence their march to Boston, the provincial militia and minute men, continually increasing in numbers, pursued and flanked them with the hope of cutting off their retreat. A Constant skirmishing ensued; the provincials concealed themselves behind stone walls, and with a sure aim thinned their enemies' ranks, and occasioned among them great confusion. On their side, they could only keep up a scattering fire, without effect, frequently firing over the stone walls, when there was not a man to be seen behind them. The great object of the British, was to effect a safe retreat to Boston; but, to avenge themselves, they burnt and plundered houses, destroyed property, and actually murdered several innocent unarmed persons. The situation of the king's forces was, during the day, extremely hazardous; and it is considered wonderful that any of them escaped. Worn down and almost exhausted with fatigue, and their ammunition nearly expended, they had become nearly defenceless when they reached Charlestown, in the evening, after a loss of two hundred and seventy three men, killed, wounded and prisoners. The loss on the side of the Provincials is eighty eight in the whole. The British officers have received a specimen of Yankee courage, which they have hitherto affected to hold in the most sovereign contempt; they have ascertained by fatal experience, that the people of New England will bid defiance to their veteran regulars, and fight courageously in defence of their rights. It is truly said to be matter of astonishment and chagrin, that after all their glorying, their veteran troops have been compelled to flee before a comparatively small number of undisciplined Yankees. The origin of this term, so frequently employed by way of reproach to the New England people, is said to be as follows. A farmer, by name Jonathan Hastings, of Cambridge, about the year 1713 used it as a cant, favorite word, to express excellency when applied to any thing; as a Yankee good horse, Yankee cider, &c. meaning an excellent horse and excellent cider. The students at college, having frequent intercourse with Mr. Hastings, and hearing him employ the term on all occasions, adopted it themselves, and gave him the name of Yankee Jonathan; this soon became a cant word among the collegians to express a weak, simple, awkward person, and from college it was carried and circulated through the country, till, from its currency in New England, it was at length taken up and unjustly applied to the New Englanders in common, as a term of reproach. It was in consequence of this that a particular song called "Yankee doodle," was composed in derision of those scornfully called Yankees.*
_______________
* There appears some incongruity in the above definition of the word Yankee. The following is supposed by some to be the origin from which it is derived. "Yankee is the Indian corruption of English. Yenglees, Yangles, Yankles, and finally Yankee."
SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 16-20
This day a petition
was presented to John Penn, our governor, (signed by near nine hundred
respectable freeholders in and near this city,) requesting him to call the
Assembly, in order to consider the proceedings of the British Parliament
towards America in their proceedings against the town of Boston, &c.
&c., to which his Honour was pleased to return the following answer,
"Gentlemen, upon occasions when the peace, order, and tranquillity of the
Province require it, I shall be ready to convene the Assembly; but as that does not appear to be the
case at present, I cannot think such a step would be expedient or consistent
with my duty."
SOURCE: William
Duane, Editor, Passages from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, Kept
in Philadelphia and Lancaster during the American Revolution, Vol. 1,
1774-1777, p. 7
This day twenty-nine
of the committee met at the Carpenters' Hall, in Chesnut-street, Thomas Willing
in the chair, agreed and appointed three of their members, viz. Joseph Reed,
John Nixon, and Thomas Whartone to wait upon the Speaker of the Assembly,
requesting him to call the Assembly, and to give them a positive answer whether
he would or not, before they made their report to the General Committee that is
to meet on Monday, the 27th inst. They also, at this meeting, appointed a
number of their members to go to different parts of the city and suburbs to
crave collections for poor Boston.
SOURCE: William
Duane, Editor, Passages from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, Kept
in Philadelphia and Lancaster during the American Revolution, Vol. 1,
1774-1777, p. 8
No. I. Minutes of a Journal by ISAAC BANGS;
begun April 1, 1776.
HAVING been in the
Service of the united Colonies as a Lieut in Capt. Benjamin Godfrey's Company
in Coln Carys Regiment of Militia for about 2 months, in which many
glorious Achievements were performed and great Glory added to the Arms of the
Americans by the Expulsion of the Ministerial Army from their Strong Holds in
Boston, in which, according to my Station, I did my proportion of the
fatigueing Duty which was requisite to perform the Manœuver which has brought
an eternal shame and Disgrace upon the British Arms, I was fired with an ardent
Zeal to be farther instrumental in the glorious Cause in which America is now
engaged. With this View I entered Coln John Bailey's Regiment as a
Lieut to Capt Jacob Allen. In some future Time it may perhaps afford Pleasure
to recollect past Toils; and being sensible of the Treachery of my Memory in
recollecting past Events, I think it advisable to keep a few Minutes to assist
a bad Memory (made worse by the Combustion of an Army) in bringing to Mind past
Events. But before I enter upon this I must give a short detail of the
Inducements that first brought me to the Army, & of some of the
material Events and Circumstances which happened during my continuance in Coln
Cary's Regiment. The Ministerial Army had for a long time (Viz., ever since the
Battle of Lexington, on the 19th of April, 1775) been invested by the American
Army, which kept them closely confined to their Quarters in Boston, during
which Time many and Various Manœuvers were practised on both sides to annoy
their Enemies, the Circumstances of which it is not my Design to relate.
In the begins of
January, 1775, it was thought best, if possible, to drive them from their
Fortresses; & as the Lines of our Army were from necessity of a vast
extent, & as it was of infinite Importance that each part should be well
maintained, General Washington thought the American Army not sufficient to
maintain the Lines, and at the same time to act offensively upon the Enemy. He
applied to the Colonies of New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Massachusetts Bay
for a part of the Militia of each Province. The Proportion required & voted
by the Assembly of this Province was 4,368 Men. Among these I inlisted about 30
of Jan.; and according to the Inlisting Orders we proceeded to chuse our
Officers, and proceeded to Head Quarters. The Men which constituted our Company
were chiefly from the Town of Chatham, — a very civil Set of People, with whom
I lived very Quietly. On our arrival at Roxbury we found (by the Negligence of
the Barrack Master) that no Barracks were provided for the Melitia. Our Company
turned in at Roxbury Street for about 4 days, in old Houses & Cellars; but
as we could no longer stand it thus Barracked, & finding no Confidence
could be put in their Promises for better Barracks, we made complaint to our
Colonels, and were by the Quarter Master provided for in Houses in Dorchester,
about 4 Miles Distance, where we continued 9 Days; during which Time great
Preparations were making for some new Enterprize, such as Fashienes,
Gaboreenes, Barracks ready Framed, & boards cut. All immagined that
Dorchester Hill was the Object of our Attention. This Hill is Situate South
from Boston about a Mile & an Half, and by Nature seemed formed for the
Command of Boston; & not only so, but it commanded a place called Nook
Point, about Half way from that place to Boston, — a most convenient place for
either Bombarding or Cannonading the Town of Boston. Our Enemies had been long
determined to take possession of these Places, as they not only prevent our
taking them, but would also be an advantageous Scituation for a Part of their
Army. The deep Frost prevented our proceeding till the Evening of the 4 of
March, when about 21 Hundred men from Genls Spencer's & Thomas Brigades
(which were both stationed at Roxbury), all things being prepared &
previously conveyed to the Causeway that leads to the Neck on which the Hill
stands, proceeded at about 8 o'clock in the Evening to work upon the Hills, and
were relieved at 3 the next Morning by the rest part of our two Brigades,
consisting of about 25 Hundred, besides 500 Rifle Men from Cambridge &
Roxbury. But here I must not leave unnoticed a grand piece of Generalship which
preceded our going upon the Hills. On the Evening of the 2 of March the General
(knowing all things were nearly prepared for the Work) gave Orders for begining
a Cannonading & Bombardment of the Town, in order to divert the Enemy that
they need not be mistrustfull of our Scheeme, as they would possibly if they
had notice of our proceedings either annoy us while working with their Cannon
or perhaps might come out with their Army before the Work was finished. The
Cannonading & Bombarding began from Prospect Hill about 12 o'clock in the
Night of the 2 of March, as also from Leechmore's Point, from the Fortress on Cobble
Hill, & from the Lines at Roxbury; the enemy Returned the Compliment to the
Former Places, but as they had previously removed their Cannon (as we
afterwards immagin'd) from their Lines on the Neck, they were not so
Complaisant to us at Roxbury. I must also here observe that the day before this
the General ordered all the Forces that for conveniency were stationed back to
be removed down to the Lines as nigh as possible, and that in consequence of
this our Company was that day removed and Barracked in one of the Out Houses of
what is called the Hutchinson House, near the Line that separateth Roxbury from
Dorchester. A Room was provided for the Officers near by, and we thaught
ourselves happy in being so well provided for in such a Croud of both officers
and men. In the Eveng of the 3d the rout began again, and we at Roxbury found
that they were not so neglectfull of us as on the night before.
In the Evening of
the 4th, as I before mentioned, our Men went upon the Hill to work, upon which
a more Furious Fire was began than ever, and returned by the Enemy with eaqual
Vigour, chiefly upon Roxbury, not mistrusting our People upon the Hill, though
it was a very Light Moonshine Evening. 23 Men from our Company went this
Evening, and I had a warrant to parrade at 3 in the Morning to go with the
Relief. Being anxious to see the Proceedings on both sides, I went to a small
Battery of ours a little out of the Direction of their Shot and Bombs, where I
tarried about two Hours, & thaught myself Safe; for as the aforesaid Battery
was made no use of by us they took no Notice of it, but it being something nigh
the Range of our Right Hand Fort, their Shot which were aimed at that fort
passed about 200 yards to the Westward of me, here I could see 4 &
sometimes 5 of their Boms flying in the Air at a Time, aimed at the Right Hand
Fort that they fell about 1/8 of a Mile distance. At Length a Shot which fell
near the Fort by its fall took a different direction and came immediately where
I was standing; it hopped after its first Falling about 4 times, & if it
had hoped again before it broke, as its Velocity was diminishing, it would have
come, as near as I can judge, to the very Spot where I was; it broke about 25
Yard Distance, and one of the Pieces came with great rapidity about 2 Yards above
my Head. The Fire still continued; but at about 3, when the Relieves of every
Regiment to parade, God so ordered it that their Fire was a little abated, or
in all probability they must have killed more of us, — one Lieut. Mayo being
the only Man hurt; he had his thigh Shot off, of which he died the next Day.
Upon our arrival upon the Hills (for we took possession of 2 by building
Forts), I was prodigiously surprised to find the Vast works that had been
carried on in so little Time. We relieved them, and they got off without being
discovered by the Enemy, which was no small Favour both in our coming on &
their going off, as the Causeway over which we had to pass was greatly exposed
to their Fire from their Works on the Neck. When the Enemy discovered us in ye
Morning they ceased firing upon Roxbury, and must be much shagriened to find
they had fired so intently upon Roxbury when the Men were as they thought
mostly on the Hills.
We expected a
Salute immediately from their Ships in the Harbour as also from their Works,
and they must have greatly annoyed us had they fired when our Forts were thus
weak, being then little besides Fashiens about 6 Feet thick. However this was
not their disign. They fired a few Shot upon us as we were seting the Fatigue
Partys, and brok 6 or 8 small arms in our Rigiment; but as their Balls struck
chiefly before they reached us, we could avoid them. The Enemy Imbarqued on
Board Transports about 11 o'clock, and were to have landed (as we after found)
upon the Point under cover of the Shiping & of the Castle the next Night;
why they had not done it that Day, if ever they intended it, God only knows.
For my part, I should have been willing to have receivd them either
by night or Day, as we had a tolerable cover from Musquetry, and as to their
Field Pieces they could not have brought them to bear because of the
Sciatuation of the ground. Had they been so rash they would in all probability
have found the 5th of March, 1776, more Bloody on their Side than Preston made
the same Day in 17701 on ours. In fine, I cant think it was ever
their design more than to make a Parade. But they have a good excuse, for about
11 at night the most violent Storm of Wind & Rain mixed with Snow &
Hail arose that ever I was exposed to. Having nothing to cover us excepting
Apple Trees, wee stood it out till about 5 in the Morning, when wee were relievd.
What I suffered this night I shall ever bear in mind, therefore need not here
mention it. Had the enemy have been so foolish as to have attacked us upon the
Hills, our People to the amount of about 5,000 Men stood by their Boats at
Cambridge and were to have made a descent upon Boston, which they must have
easily carried, as I since learn that Genl How at the Head of the Remainder of
his Troops was to have made an attack upon our Lines at Roxbury. Had this been
the Case, what a woefull Scituation must he have been in, even if he had forced
the Lines with our Forces on each Side!
When the Forts were
a little finished our People began to make preparations for Nooke Point, before
mentioned, by carting Fashienes, &c., in the Face of the Day as nigh the
Place as the Scituation would allow (there being a Mire betweene that & the
Forts). This place is about Mile distant from the Centre of the Town, and as
convenient a place as could even have been wished for from which to through
Bombs to the Town. The Enemy, discovring our Motions by this imprudent Step,
concluded that we should be at work that Night, therefore the[y] began a most
Heavy Fire from the Shipping in the Harbour, from several of the Wharves, &
from several Batteries; such a Firing was never before heard in New England.
They killd 4 Men with one Ball, which was all the Dammage they did us; and the
next morning we picked up 700 Balls that they had fired upon us. The next night
being the 17th of March, all things being in Readiness, we erected a small
Breast Work on the aforesaid Point without being discoverd by the Enemy till
Day Light next Morning, when they began a most severe canonading from their
Works upon the Neck; but being unable to affect any thing to our Damage, they
made a Most precipitate retreat, leaving the chief of the Effects of the
Inhabitants unhurt, tho they Dammaged many Houses and much furniture. They left
behind them three excellent Mortars, many Bombs, and about 200 Cannon, the most
of which were heavy Pieces all spiked up, and about 100 of them having their
Trunnions broke of. Thus was the British Army routed from a Fortress which they
were sufferred peaceably to build, of the Strength of which they used to make
such boastings; and also from the Bunker Hill, which cost them at least the
Lives of 1,800 Men, besides the vast Labour & Expense they had bestowed to
erect & defend it.
Immediately upon
their Retreat we entered the Town with part of the Forces from Roxbury by Land
& some considerable Force from Cambridge by Water. We found the Works upon
the Neck entire, the Cannon spiked up & the Shells chiefly split, &
many of the Cannon Carriages cut to pieces. These Lines upon the Neck were
handsomely built & so amazingly strong that it would have been
impracticable for us to have forced them. The other Works were not so well
constructed as I immagined wee should have found them; especially at the Bottom
of the Common & on Beacon Hill they appeared to be ill constructed &
design'd for little but to frighten us. The Enemy embarqued in boats &
joined the Fleet, which had chiefly quited the Harbour, & fell down to
Nantascet from our first building upon the Hills, some few of the Men of War
& Transports for the Tories only excepted, who remained to cover the Town.
The Admiral finding we had built upon Nook Point & another small Hill, both
of which were advantageously scituated to rake the Harbour, thought he could
with no degree of Safety tarry any longer ; wherefore he sent to General Howe
acquainting him that he was about to quit the Harbour. This, it is said,
hastened the General's Retreat, or he would probably have taken his artilery
with him. They left no Powder behind them, but we could plainly see where they
burnt vast Quantities of that valuable article; could they have affected the
Destruction of their Artilery with as much dispatch, no doubt they would have
done it. Quere, Whether it would not be wisdom in the Parliament of England to
offer a large Premium to the Person that shall contrive a method to annihilate
Cannon, Mortars, Bombs, &c., in a Short space of Time; otherwise the Rebels
will soon furnish themselves with a Stock of these articles without being put
to the Trouble of making them Themselves.
1 The Boston Massacre.
SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, pp. 7-14
Dined at Colonel
Harrison's. Nothing talked of but the Blockade of Boston Harbour. The people
seem much exasperated at the proceedings of the Ministry and talk as if they
were determined to dispute the matter with the sword.
SOURCE: Nicholas
Cresswell, The Journal of Nicholas
Cresswell 1774—1777, p. 19
