Express at Camp
informing us of a number of Tories having mustered at Lewestown. We are
preparing to march thither to-morrow in order to disperse them, which we mean
to do at the hazard of our lives.
SOURCE: “Diary of
Lieutenant James McMichael,” William H. Egle, Editor, Pennsylvania
Archives, Second Series, Vol. XV: Journals and Diaries of the War of the
Revolution with Lists of Officers and Soldiers, 1775-1783, p. 195
The Roebuck,
man-of-war, and the Liverpool, with three tenders, came into the Bay, but the
detestible Tories hearing of the riflemen having arrived evacuated the town.
SOURCE: “Diary of
Lieutenant James McMichael,” William H. Egle, Editor, Pennsylvania
Archives, Second Series, Vol. XV: Journals and Diaries of the War of the
Revolution with Lists of Officers and Soldiers, 1775-1783, p. 195
Several scouting
parties sent out, who having captured the officers of the Tories, swore them to
be true to Congress, and then dismissed them.
SOURCE: “Diary of
Lieutenant James McMichael,” William H. Egle, Editor, Pennsylvania
Archives, Second Series, Vol. XV: Journals and Diaries of the War of the
Revolution with Lists of Officers and Soldiers, 1775-1783, p. 196
NOR is it doubted, if wee may Judge from the outward appearance of Persons, but that Mr. Lovell (tho in the Capacity of a Prisoner) embarqued with less reluctance than those Miscreants whose complicated offences against the Liberties of their Country denied them the Boon of continueing any longer as Freemen in this Land of Liberty; wherefore since by their Behaviour they had forfeited all right to Freedom, & were driven to the Alternitude of Slavery in this or in a foreign Land, they chose rather to imbarque and be in Servitude with other Slaves than to continue in their native Country & Suffer the just resentinent of their injured Brethren.
Many of these obnoxious animals (tho none of the most obnoxious) chose to tarry & rely upon the Mercy of their offended Countrymen than to hazard their Lives with the Fleet & Army, who were Miserably stocked with Provisions, — having nothing of Animal Food left but salt Meat, & that in so small a Quantity that their common allowance would consume it all in less than three Weeks; this account I had from a Friend of mine who tarried in Boston during the whole siege, who was well acquainted with their Scituation, & on whose veracity I think I can safely rely. In this miserable Scituation they left the Town & hauled of to Nantascet, where I shall, for the present, leave them. These Tories which remained were soon apprehended, & what fate they will receive at the hands of their injured Countrymen (for I can't call them Brethren) may be left by me undetermin'd as yet.
The Fatiegues & Hardships that were underwent by that part of the Army which were Stationed at Roxbury from the time of our first building upon the Hill, tho not eaqual to the Hardships which many of this Profession have endured, yet I think I may safely pronounce them hard. When we first arrived upon the Hills, as I before observed, we had no cover from the Weather but Apple Trees (a miserable Shelter from Storms & March Winds); for the Regulars had previously set fire to almost all the Houses & Barns on the Neck, two Barns & three small Houses only being left, & of these only the Barns were so situated as to afford shelter for the Army of 25 Hundred Men, or thereabouts, because of their Distance from the Works we were building. Therefore no particular Regiments could be stationed there, & it was absolutely necessary to keep at least that Number of Men constantly upon the Hills, & these must be drawn from those at Roxbury. This Party together with the Guards at Roxbury kept half of our Men on duty constantly, & many being taken ill about that time, some with what we termed the Hill Fever & others with real Sickness, many Men were obliged to be on Duty two Days & Nights successively. Moreover, because of the dangerous Scituation of the Causeway, we were obliged to go on to relieve the Parties on the Hills in the Night at 3 o'clock; this made it more fatiegueing, being in this manner broke of our Rest each Night.
Being myself unwell upon our first entering upon the Hills, I was unable to do but three Tours of Duty in this Manner, and had entered upon the fourth when I was so unwell that with much difficulty with the assistance of an able Bodied Man I got of from the Hills. I continued 2 Days in my Chamber and then walked out, but the Blody Flux raged so hard upon me & nothing suitable for my Diet being to be bought, it was thought best for me to go into the Country, whereupon I went to Concord & tarried several Days; but being unwilling to tarry any longer out of Camp than what was absolutely necessary, I returned about 3 Days before the enemy evacuated Boston. Being still unfit for Duty, nevertheless I undertook another Tour, seeing Duty had been so hard for the other Officers, — many of them by this Time being unwell & unfit for Duty. On the 24 of March, the enemy being gone down to Nantascet & it being thought best to have some steady forces upon the Hills, Col. Learneard's & Cole Cary's Regiments were both of them ordered upon the Hills. To the latter I belonged, & we moved on expecting to have found Barracks provided; but when we arrived we found that the Barracks provided for our Regt were not above half sufficient to contain them, neither were there Chimneys in any of them. Our being huddled in this manner with such accommodations upon the Hills was owing to the unfaithfullness of the Barrack Master, who had returned to the Genl. that a sufficiency of Barracks were finished to receive us. Yet in this Scituation, half killed with smoke, we found our Duty easier than when we lived at Roxbury & did Duty upon the Hills. Many of our People were sick, for whom a convenient House was provided at Roxbury; among these two only were very Dangerous, viz., Elisha Doane & Joseph Philips. Doane, after having been extreme low and weak, being several times looked upon as a dying Man, recovered so far that on my coming from Roxbury on the second of April he was able to sit up and in a likely way of recovery. But as to Philips, who was taken with a Pleurisy which afterwards turned to a Malignant Putrid Fever, God in his providence saw fit to take him to himself, as we trust, on the 30th of March. The next Day he was decently inter'd. On the 18th of March, the Enemy still keeping Possession of Castle William, I mounted the guard upon the Point near the Castle at not more than 1 of a Mile Distance; the night being very calm & my Duty calling me to visit the Centuries, I could hear them busiely employed, as I then supposed, in spiking up the Cannon & breaking of the Trunnions. This work they continued till the next day, 19th, when about 3 o'clock they began to blow up the Fortifications. This lasted till about sunset, when they set the Block House on the South Poin on Fire. Our Guard were now expecting to be relieved & were paraded to receive the relief; but the relief being detained, we were desirous to see the fire, & retired to a Hill about 10 Rods distance North from the Guard House, where we might have a full View. The Enemy, perceiving us upon the Hill within point Blank Shot of their Cannon, fired three 24 lb. Shot at us, neither of which went more than 2 yards above our Heads. The first & second would unavoidably have killed some of the men had they not have fell upon discovering the Flashes of their Guns; as it was, several of our Men by the Wind of the Balls were almost stuned. Neither of the Balls came nearer to me than 10 Yards Distance, tho I stood upon the Top of the Hill & never removed till after their fire was over. The other Men were in more danger after the first Shot; for the Enemy, knowing they would repair to the Guard House, had placed their Cannon so as to take them on their runing from the Hill. Tho horribly frightned by the whistling of the Balls, I considered this, and was the only Man that stood the Ground.
The next day, 20th, they continued demolishing the Works of the Castle, and in the Evening set all the Combustible part of it on Fire, and left it the same Night. I myself went on the next Day to see the Havock and Destruction they had made, the which surpass all discription & of which no man could have any tolerable Idea unless himself was made a Spectator; that once beautifull Fortress was now nothing more than a confused heap of Rubbish. The Enemy left the chief part of their Cannon, all of which (excepting three 18 lb. ers which were left entire) had either a Trunnion beat of or the Breechings broke of and all spiked up. We dug up several of their Boxes of powder, which were designed to blow up part of the Walls, but had not taken Fire.
The Enemies Fleet, which I left at Nantascet, remained there till Wednesday, 27 of March, when about half of their Number, consisting chiefly of Transports with a Few Convoys of Men of war, set sail & stood out to sea; the remaining Ships, excepting 4 Men of war (which they left at Nantascet), followed them the next Saturday.
The Fleet lying so long below made many People mistrustfull that their design was to reland in some part of the Harbour; therefore we kept strong Guards in every exposed part thereof. But it afterwards appeared that their long delay was occasioned by the Confusion and Hurry in which they quitted the Town, not having any time either to rig the Vessels or distribute the Provisions among the Vessels. Those which sailed first were said to contain the Families of the Tories which they shipped of for Halifax as soon as they could get them ready.
After the first part of the Fleet sailed, the other part was reinforced by several large Ships of war, but from whence they came I could never learn.
One of the Fleet having a valuable cargo of Stolen goods together with a number of Tories was cast away soon after on Cape Cod, & another whose Cargo was estimated at 35,000£ sterling was taken by Capt. Merry; what became of the others time will discover.
While the Fleet was lying at Nantascet, our People fixed several Fire Engines, which would undoubtedly have consumed some of their Fleet, but the Wind proving unfavourable detered us from putting our design in execution.
The Enemy having thus evacuated Boston & chiefly left the Harbour, the Army, excepting a few Regiments, were order'd to the Southward, as it was expected the Enemy were gone to the Southern Colonies. At least there was great danger of it; and as New York (I suppose) was thought to be the Center of the Colonies, they were ordered for that place. Many Regiments had already marched (& by accounts from them they had arrived at N. York) before the Fleet left Boston; the others, as I before mentioned, had orders to follow. Genl. Green's Brigade, consisting of 5 Regiments — Viz., Colns Varnum, Hitchcock, Little, Reed, & Bailey — had orders to March on Monday, the 1 of April, to New London by the Way of Norwich; butin the Night before their March Expresses came from Newport that the Enemy were seen of that Port, & that it was expected that they were about to land. This occasioned counter Orders for them to take Providence in their Way. I myself had to the First of April acted in the Regiment to which I belonged, Viz., in Cola Cary's Regt of Militia; but their time being expired, and having in the Evening before an Invitation to take the Place of one Lieut Shaw of Colm Baileys Regt, & having a desire to be farther instrumental in so glorious a Cause, & finding my acceptance of the office would be agreeable to the officers, I readily agreed to it, & Lieut. Col Jacobs went the next morning to Cambridge for the Generals approbation, which if I could obtain I was to follow the Regt. We found the Genl. very busie in wrighting dispatches, &c., that he could not attend to Buisness of such small Consequence; but upon Agt. Genl. Gates Promise of my having a Commission if I would follow the Army, I concluded to do it if I had the advice of Col Baily. I therefore return'd & asked Col. Baily, who advised me if I had an inclination, to go, & said he made no doubt but that I should be as well used as if Time had permitted the Genl. to have given me a Commission. I therefore concluded to follow the next Morning, & to spend the Evening in wrighting to acquaint my Friends of my New undertaking, which I accordingly did; & the next morning the 2d of April set out to overtake the Regt, which I affected that after Noon. I found Capt Allen to whose Company I belonged to be a very agreable Companion, & his Company a Civil Set of People. As I was entirely unacquainted with any Person in the Company, I had previously enquired of my Friends as to their Characters before I engaged to serve, & found that the Capt & his other officers had the character of civil & agreable Gentlemen, & upon my further acquaintance with them I found their Good Characters to surpass my expectations. 4th of April we arrived at Providence; the Roads being bad and the Rainy Weather prevented our arriving sooner. Nothing very material happened during our March. On the road I saw Mrs. Atwood and Miss R. Sears, and Breakfasted with them at Mr. Atwoods House in I found the Town of Providence very agreably scituated on each side of a River. Several very elegant Buildings; in perticular the Baptist Meeting House & the College, a little east of the Town. We tarried here but one Night, & the next Day sat out for Norwich in Connecticut.
At Providence I saw building two neat Frigates . . .
[Here a page is gone]
. . . fellow had hired to take care of his Farm, coincided very well in each other's Opinions, & I believe no part of the old Mans Estate suffered for the want of Cultivation.
SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, pp. 15-21
Intelligence is now received that the British regulars have marched out of Boston, and actually commenced hostilities against our people at Lexington. For the purpose of ascertaining the particular facts, I have been desired to wait on Col. Otis, at his mansion in this town. It was in the evening, when I found this dignified patriot in his easy chair, with several of his neighbors listening with agitated spirits to some account of this first most awful tragedy. The good old gentleman had received a letter containing a statement of some particulars, and with manifest trepidation he said to this effect. "The British troops marched to Lexington and Concord last Wednesday, the 19th instant, for the purpose of destroying some of our military stores; our militia collected and met them at Lexington; the regulars soon commenced firing on them; our people returned the fire; a smart skirmish ensued, and several men were killed on both sides. The British were compelled to retreat, in some confusion, to Boston; and our people pursued and harassed them. The fearful day has arrived! a civil war has actually commenced in our land. We must be prepared for the worst, and may God preserve and protect our country." This tragical event seems to have electrified all classes of people; the brave are fired with manly resentment, the timid overwhelmed in despair; the patriotic whigs sorrowing over public calamities, while the tories indulge the secret hope, that the friends of liberty are about to receive their chastisement. The sword is now unsheathed, and our friends are slaughtered by our cruel enemies; expresses are hastening from town to town, in all directions through the country, spreading the melancholy tidings and inspiriting and rousing the people To Arms! To Arms! The people of New England have taken the alarm, and their hearts are animated even to enthusiasm. There is an enthusiasm in religion, in politics, in military achievements, and in gallantry and love, and why not an enthusiasm in the love of country? No species of enthusiasm surely can be more laudable, or more honorable. Never was a cause more just, more sacred than ours; we are commanded to defend the rich inheritance bequeathed to us by our virtuous ancestors; and it is our bounden duty to transmit it uncontaminated to posterity; we must fight valiantly therefore, for our lives and property, for our holy religion, for our honor, and for our dearest friends. We are not born to be slaves, and are resolved to live and die, free; appealing to the sovereign Ruler of the Universe for the justice of our cause, and relying on his Almighty arm for protection and support. A certain number of active men, in every town, have formed themselves into military companies, under the name of minute men; they are daily practising the manual exercise, and are held in constant readiness to march against the enemy at a moment's warning. We await with trembling expectation the issue of every hour.
Authenticated accounts are now received of the battle at Lexington. On Tuesday evening, 18th instant, General Gage despatched, with as much secrecy as possible, a detachment consisting of eight or nine hundred regulars, under the command of Lieutenant Col. Smith, for the purpose of destroying some military stores, which our people had deposited at Concord, about eighteen miles from Boston. Having arrived at Lexington, six miles short of Concord, they were met by a company of militia, of about one hundred men, who having taken the alarm, began to assemble from different towns before daylight. They were assembled near the church, about sunrise; when the British advanced in quick march to within a few rods, Major Pitcairn called out, "Disperse you Rebels, throw down your arms and disperse." Their small number would not admit of opposition, and while they were dispersing, the regulars huzzaed, and immediately one or two pistols were fired by the officers, and four or five muskets by the soldiers; when a pretty general discharge from the whole party followed, by which eight of our people were killed and seven wounded. The British now renewed their march to Concord, where they destroyed a few articles of stores and sixty barrels of flour. Here they were met by about one hundred and fifty militia men, on whom they fired and killed two, and wounded others. Our militia and minute men were now collecting in considerable numbers, and being justly enraged they made a bold and furious attack on the enemy, and drove them in quick march to Lexington. General Gage having received intelligence of the critical situation of his troops, immediately ordered out Lord Percy, with a large reinforcement, with two field pieces. He marched over the neck through Roxbury, his music playing by way of contempt and derision the tune of "Yankee doodle." This timely reinforcement joined the party under command of Colonel Smith at Lexington, which formed a force of about eighteen hundred men. They soon deemed it prudent to commence their march to Boston, the provincial militia and minute men, continually increasing in numbers, pursued and flanked them with the hope of cutting off their retreat. A Constant skirmishing ensued; the provincials concealed themselves behind stone walls, and with a sure aim thinned their enemies' ranks, and occasioned among them great confusion. On their side, they could only keep up a scattering fire, without effect, frequently firing over the stone walls, when there was not a man to be seen behind them. The great object of the British, was to effect a safe retreat to Boston; but, to avenge themselves, they burnt and plundered houses, destroyed property, and actually murdered several innocent unarmed persons. The situation of the king's forces was, during the day, extremely hazardous; and it is considered wonderful that any of them escaped. Worn down and almost exhausted with fatigue, and their ammunition nearly expended, they had become nearly defenceless when they reached Charlestown, in the evening, after a loss of two hundred and seventy three men, killed, wounded and prisoners. The loss on the side of the Provincials is eighty eight in the whole. The British officers have received a specimen of Yankee courage, which they have hitherto affected to hold in the most sovereign contempt; they have ascertained by fatal experience, that the people of New England will bid defiance to their veteran regulars, and fight courageously in defence of their rights. It is truly said to be matter of astonishment and chagrin, that after all their glorying, their veteran troops have been compelled to flee before a comparatively small number of undisciplined Yankees. The origin of this term, so frequently employed by way of reproach to the New England people, is said to be as follows. A farmer, by name Jonathan Hastings, of Cambridge, about the year 1713 used it as a cant, favorite word, to express excellency when applied to any thing; as a Yankee good horse, Yankee cider, &c. meaning an excellent horse and excellent cider. The students at college, having frequent intercourse with Mr. Hastings, and hearing him employ the term on all occasions, adopted it themselves, and gave him the name of Yankee Jonathan; this soon became a cant word among the collegians to express a weak, simple, awkward person, and from college it was carried and circulated through the country, till, from its currency in New England, it was at length taken up and unjustly applied to the New Englanders in common, as a term of reproach. It was in consequence of this that a particular song called "Yankee doodle," was composed in derision of those scornfully called Yankees.*
_______________
* There appears some incongruity in the above definition of the word Yankee. The following is supposed by some to be the origin from which it is derived. "Yankee is the Indian corruption of English. Yenglees, Yangles, Yankles, and finally Yankee."
SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 16-20
Philadelphia. Since the late unhappy affairs at Concord and Lexington, finding the spirit of the people to rise on every fresh alarm, (which has been almost hourly,) and their tempers to get more and more soured and malevolent against all moderate men, whom they see fit to reproach as enemies of their country by the name of tories, among whom I am unhappily (although unjustly) ranked; and unable longer to bear their undeserved reproaches and menaces hourly denounced against myself and others, I think it a duty I owe myself to withdraw for a while from the storm which to my foreboding mind is approaching. Having in vain endeavoured to persuade my wife to accompany me, her apprehensions of danger from an incensed soldiery, a people licentious and enthusiastically mad and broken loose from all the restraints of law or religion, being less terrible to her than a short passage on the ocean; and being moreover encouraged by her, I left my late peaceful home (in my sixtieth year) in search of personal security and those rights which by the laws of God I ought to have enjoyed undisturbed there, and embarked at Beverly on board the schooner Lively, Captain Johnson, bound hither, on Sunday the 23d ultimo, and have just arrived. Hoping to find an asylum amongst quakers and Dutchmen, who I presume from former experience have too great a regard for ease and property to sacrifice either at this time of doubtful disputation on the altar of an unknown goddess, or rather doubtful divinity.
* Merchants of Beverly.
† See Supplement.
SOURCE: George Atkinson Ward, Journal and Letters of the Late Samuel Curwen, Judge of Admiralty, etc., An American Refugee in England from 1775 to 1784, pp. 25-6
At the precise period when my medical studies and education are completed, under the patronage of Dr. Abner Hersey of Barnstable, and I am contemplating the commencement of a new career in life, I find our country about to be involved in all the horrors of a civil war. A series of arbitrary and oppressive measures, on the part of the mother country, has long been advancing to that awful crisis, when an appeal to the power of the sword becomes inevitable. The event of this mighty struggle i
s to decide an affair of infinite magnitude, not merely as it
respects the present generation, but as it will affect the welfare and
happiness of unborn millions. The great fundamental principle, in the present
controversy, is the right which is claimed by the Parliament of Great Britian,
to exercise dominion, as the only supreme, and uncontrollable legislative power
over all the American Colonies. "Can they make laws to bind the colonies
in all cases whatever; levy taxes on them without their consent; dispose of the
revenues, thus raised, without their control; multiply officers at pleasure,
and assign them fees, to be paid without, nay, contrary to and in direct
violation of acts of our Provincial Assemblies and approved by the crown? Can
they enlarge the power of admiralty courts; divert the usual channels of
justice; deprive the colonists of trial by a jury of their countrymen; in
short, break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against
arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies." Then
indeed are we reduced to a state of abject slavery; and all resistance to acts
of Parliament may justly be called by the name of treason and rebellion.
"The people of these colonies consider themselves as British subjects,
entitled to all the rights and privileges of Freemen. It is inseparably
essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen,
that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally
or by their representatives. From their local circumstances, the colonies
cannot be represented in the house of commons of Great Britain; the only
representatives of the people of the colonies are the persons chosen therein by
themselves; and no taxes ever can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by
their respective legislatures." All acts of Parliament therefore, for
raising a revenue in America, are considered as depriving us of our property,
without our consent, and consequently as a palpable infringement of our ancient
rights and privileges. They are unconstitutional and arbitrary laws, subversive
of the liberties and privileges secured to us by our royal charters. It is not
consistent with the principles which actuate the American people, ever tamely
to submit to such a degrading system of government; not however from a want of
loyalty to our king, nor from an undue impatience of subordination or legal
restraint; for in a quiet submission and demeanor to constitutional authority,
and in zeal and attachment to our king, we dare to vie with any of our fellow
subjects of Great Britain; but it is an innate love of liberty, and our just
rights, that impels us to the arduous struggle. In no country, it is asserted,
is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights
inherent to freemen more generally diffused, or better understood, than among
the British American Colonies. Our religious and political privileges are
derived from our virtuous fathers; they were inhaled with our earliest breath;
and are, and will I trust ever be, implanted and cherished in the bosom of the
present and future generations. These are the prevalent sentiments in New
England at this eventful crisis, and all the other provinces, Georgia excepted,
are known to be in unison with us in the resolution, to oppose with all our
power every violation of our just rights and privileges. We are not however
authorized, even in the most glorious of causes, to expect a perfect unanimity
among a people. Numerous are the springs of men's actions; and diversity of
sentiment and views are characteristic of human nature. Accordingly we find a
small minority in our country who are inimical to the common cause, and who are
continually opposing every proceeding of the majority. These people are
doubtless actuated by various motives; a few, comparatively, influenced by
principle; some by a spirit of timidity, or the absurd doctrine of passive
obedience and non-resistance; others, from the strength of their passions, and
weakness of judgment, are biassed and led astray by designing demagogues. There
are, however, those who are vile enough to prostrate all honor and principle
with the sordid view of office and preferment,
"For
'tis their duty, all the learned think,
T'espouse
that cause by which they eat and drink."
Those disaffected
individuals, who still adhere to the royal cause, have received the epithet of
Tories; the very name is extremely abhorrent to the people in general, and they
are subjected to such rigorous discipline as to prevent them from doing injury
to the great cause of our country. The great majority of the people are happily
united in the resolution to oppose, to the uttermost, the wicked attempts of
the English cabinet. This class of people have assumed the appellation of
Whigs; but by our enemies are stigmatized by the name of Rebels. If, as we
affirm, the British government have ceased to rule agreeably to the principles
of our constitution, and our royal charter, and have assumed to themselves the
high prerogative of despotic sway, then are we absolved from our allegiance and
duties as British subjects. A contract abrogated by one party can no longer be
binding on the other. If we are menaced with royal power and authority, we
justify ourselves in defending our indefeasible rights against despotism and
tyrannical oppression. Cowards alone will bend to unjust power, and slaves and
sycophants only will yield both soul and body to the disposal of tyrannical
masters. Should our efforts, under God, be crowned with the desired success, we
shall obtain the honor of rescuing ourselves and posterity from vassalage; but
if compelled to succumb under royal power, then will ours be the rebel's fate,
the scaffold and the gibbet will be glutted with their devoted victims. We
cannot justly be accused of a rash precipitance of proceeding; for petitions
and memorials, couched in the most loyal and humble language, have been at
various periods presented to our royal sovereign, and his parliament, praying
for a redress of grievances; but they are deaf to all our complaints and
supplications, and the coercive arm of power is suspended over us, threatening
implacable vengeance.
Among the odious
acts of the British Parliament they passed one which imposed a duty on the
article of tea, and several cargoes of this commodity were shipped to America
to obtain the duty and a market. On the arrival of the tea ships at Boston
great indignation was excited among the people; town meetings were called to
devise some legal measures to prohibit the landing of the odious article. It
was universally understood that if the tea was once landed, and stored, it
would by some means come to a market and the duty to the government would be
secured. In order to defeat this object a number of persons in disguise entered
the ships at the wharves, broke open 342 chests of tea, and discharged their
contents into the water at the dock. This was on the 16th December, 1773. When
intelligence of this summary proceeding reached England, it was condemned by
the government as enormously criminal. They menaced our Province with the most
exemplary vengeance, and Parliament soon passed the Boston Vindictive Port Bill
as a part of their coercive system, so that merely the name of tea is now
associated with ministerial grievances, and tea drinking is almost tantamount
to an open avowal of toryism. Those who are anxious to avoid the odious epithet
of enemies to their country, strictly prohibit the use of tea in their
families, and the most squeamish ladies are compelled to have recourse to
substitutes, or secretly steal indulgence in their favorite East India
beverage.
SOURCE: James
Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War,
from 1775 to 1783, pp. 9-13
1 Joshua Howell, who had married Mrs. Samuel
Shoemaker's sister Catharine, daughter of Edward and Anna (Coleman) Warner.
2 Benjamin Shoemaker, son of Samuel Shoemaker
by his first wife Hannah, daughter of Samuel Carpenter the second, by his wife
Hannah, daughter of Samuel Preston. Benjamin Shoemaker married Mrs. Samuel
Shoemaker's sister, Elizabeth Warner.
SOURCE: “A
Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's
Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of
History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 104
Fifth day. I suppose,
dear Mammy, thee would not have imagined this house to be illuminated last
night, but it was. A mob surrounded it, broke the shutters and the glass of the
windows, and were coming in, none but forlorn women here. We for a time
listened for their attacks in fear and trembling till, finding them grow more
loud and violent, not knowing what to do, we ran into the yard. Warm Whigs of
one side, and Hartley's1 of the other (who were treated even worse
than we), rendered it impossible for us to escape that way. We had not been
there many minutes before we were drove back by the sight of two men climbing
the fence. We thought the mob were coming in thro' there, but it proved to be
Coburn and Bob. Shewell, who called to us not to be frightened, and fixed
lights up at the windows, which pacified the mob, and after three huzzas they
moved off. A number of men came in afterwards to see us. French and J. B.
nailed boards up at the broken pannels, or it would not have been safe to have
gone to bed. Coburn and Shewell were really very kind; had it not been for them
I really believe the house would have been pulled down. Even the firm Uncle
Fisher2 was obliged to submit to have his windows illuminated, for
they had pickaxes and iron bars with which they had done considerable injury to
his house, and would soon have demolished it had not some of the Hodges3
and other people got in back and acted as they pleased. All Uncle's sons were
out, but Sammy,4 and if they had been at home it was in vain to
oppose them. In short it was the most alarming scene I ever remember. For two
hours we had the disagreeable noise of stones banging about, glass crashing,
and the tumultuous voices of a large body of men, as they were a long time at
the different houses in the neighbourhood. At last they were victorious, and it
was one general illumination throughout the town. As we had not the pleasure of
seeing any of the gentlemen in the house, nor the furniture cut up, and goods
stolen, nor been beat, nor pistols pointed at our breasts, we may count our
sufferings slight compared to many others. Mr. Gibbs was obliged to make his
escape over a fence, and while his wife was endeavouring to shield him from the
rage of one of the men, she received a violent bruise in the breast, and a blow
in the face which made her nose bleed. Ben. Shoemaker was here this morning;
tho' exceedingly threatened he says he came off with the loss of four panes of
glass. Some Whig friends put candles in the windows which made his peace with
the mob, and they retired. John Drinker5 has lost half the goods out
of his shop and been beat by them; in short the sufferings of those they
pleased to style Tories would fill a volume and shake the credulity of those
who were not here on that memorable night, and to-day Philadelphia makes an
uncommon appearance, which ought to cover the Whigs with eternal confusion. A
neighbour of ours had the effrontery to tell Mrs. G. that he was sorry for her
furniture, but not for her windows—a ridiculous distinction that many of them
make. J. Head has nothing left whole in his parlour. Uncle Penington6
lost a good deal of window-glass. Aunt Burge7 preserved hers thro'
the care of some of her neighbours. The Drinkers and Walns make heavy
complaints of the Carolinians in their neighbourhood. Walns' pickles were
thrown about the streets and barrells of sugar stolen. Grandmammy was the most
composed of anybody here. Was I not sure, my dearest Mother, that you would
have very exaggerated accounts of this affair from others, and would probably
be uneasy for the fate of our friends, I would be entirely silent about it, but
as you will hear it from some one or another, not mentioning it will seem as if
we had suffered exceedingly, and I hope I may depend on the safety of this
opportunity.
1 James Hartley, merchant.
2 William Fisher, merchant, who married Mrs.
Samuel Shoemaker's aunt, Sarah (Coleman). He also lived in Arch Street between
Front and Second Streets. He was a member of the Common Council of Philadelphia
from 1767 to 1770, of the Board of Aldermen from 1770 to the fall of the
Charter government in 1776, and Mayor of the City 1773-1774.
3 Andrew and Hugh Hodge, merchants.
4 The late Samuel W. Fisher, President of the
Philadelphia Insurance Company, and President of Select Council 1811-1813.
5 "October 19. Ye 17th of this month,
October, Gen1 Cornwallis was taken, for which we grievously suffered on ye
24th, by way of rejoicing. A mob assembled about 7 o'clock or before, and
continued their insults until near 10, to those whose Houses were not
illuminated. Scarcely one Friend's House escaped. We had nearly 70 panes of
glass broken; ye sash lights and two panels of the front Parlor broke in
pieces; ye Door cracked and violently burst open; when they threw stones into ye
House for some time, but did not enter. Some fared better and some worse. Some
Houses, after breaking ye door, they entered, and destroyed the Furniture,
&c. Many women and children were frightened into fits, and 'tis a mercy no
lives were lost.” — Extract from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker, p.
137.
6 Edward Penington, who had married Sarah,
the sister of Samuel Shoemaker.
7 Beulah Burge, a sister of Samuel Shoemaker,
widow of Samuel Burge. Their daughter Sarah married, in 1783, William Rawle,
the elder, who was a brother of the diarist.
8 Hannah Rawle, a daughter of William Hudson
and wife of Benjamin Rawle, a great-uncle of the diarist. Their daughter
Rebecca married Jacob Ridgway. The latter were the parents of the late John
Jacob Ridgway, Mrs. Phœbe Ann Rush (wife of Dr. James Rush), and Mrs. Susan
Barton (wife first of Thomas Roach and second of Dr. John Rhea Barton).
9 Joshua Howell's country seat on the
Schuylkill, now in East Fairmount Park, below the Laurel Hill Cemetery.
SOURCE: “A
Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's
Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of
History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, pp. 104-7
About seven this
morning saw a sail on our lee Bow distant about 2 Leagues, gave chase and spoke
her about 12 o’clock, a Brig from Carolina bound for Bordeaux with several Tory
Passengers on Board, among whom were Hartley the Organist & his wife.
SOURCE: Dr. Ezra
Green, Diary of Ezra Green, M.D., Surgeon
on Board the Continental Ship “Ranger,” Under John Paul Jones, from November 1,
1777 to September 27, 1778, p. 17
