At 4 o'clock this afternoon Sir Wm Howe left New York and arrived at Amboy at 10 this night. Also the Engineers Stores &. Account received (privately) from the Indians that 700 of the [Chetig——] will be ready to join us as soon as we open the communication—Doubt it very much.
SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 421
Sir Wm Howe left Amboy at 11 o'clock with an Escort of one officer and 20 dragoons for Brunswick. Troops to be left at Amboy—2 Battalions Anspach—one Battalion Waldeckers & 55th Regiment.
SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 421
The Commander in Chief with the other columns or rather the main body arrived and encamped 3 miles South of the Mill Stone River at Middlebush, he went on crossed the Mill Stone River after repairing the Bridge which the Enemy had broken up. We found Lord Cornwallis's Column on the opposite side after some skirmishing ten rebels killed, our loss in killed two and 2 wounded and an Officer. Found most of the Houses deserted and what were inhabited the men were absent; collected some Forage, cattle and horses A few shots were exchanged between some of our cavalry and that of the rebels but without effect and advanced. Yager taken off by some rebel Light horse.
SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, p. 422
The Commander in Chief reviewed the 2 Battalions Anspach. Baggage waggons ferrying over to Staaten Island. 43 Sail of Transports now in Princes Bay. Boats constantly arriving from New York to take off the Stores from hence.
SOURCE: G. D. Scull, Editor, The Montresor Journals, pp. 423-4
No. I. Minutes of a Journal by ISAAC BANGS;
begun April 1, 1776.
HAVING been in the
Service of the united Colonies as a Lieut in Capt. Benjamin Godfrey's Company
in Coln Carys Regiment of Militia for about 2 months, in which many
glorious Achievements were performed and great Glory added to the Arms of the
Americans by the Expulsion of the Ministerial Army from their Strong Holds in
Boston, in which, according to my Station, I did my proportion of the
fatigueing Duty which was requisite to perform the Manœuver which has brought
an eternal shame and Disgrace upon the British Arms, I was fired with an ardent
Zeal to be farther instrumental in the glorious Cause in which America is now
engaged. With this View I entered Coln John Bailey's Regiment as a
Lieut to Capt Jacob Allen. In some future Time it may perhaps afford Pleasure
to recollect past Toils; and being sensible of the Treachery of my Memory in
recollecting past Events, I think it advisable to keep a few Minutes to assist
a bad Memory (made worse by the Combustion of an Army) in bringing to Mind past
Events. But before I enter upon this I must give a short detail of the
Inducements that first brought me to the Army, & of some of the
material Events and Circumstances which happened during my continuance in Coln
Cary's Regiment. The Ministerial Army had for a long time (Viz., ever since the
Battle of Lexington, on the 19th of April, 1775) been invested by the American
Army, which kept them closely confined to their Quarters in Boston, during
which Time many and Various Manœuvers were practised on both sides to annoy
their Enemies, the Circumstances of which it is not my Design to relate.
In the begins of
January, 1775, it was thought best, if possible, to drive them from their
Fortresses; & as the Lines of our Army were from necessity of a vast
extent, & as it was of infinite Importance that each part should be well
maintained, General Washington thought the American Army not sufficient to
maintain the Lines, and at the same time to act offensively upon the Enemy. He
applied to the Colonies of New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Massachusetts Bay
for a part of the Militia of each Province. The Proportion required & voted
by the Assembly of this Province was 4,368 Men. Among these I inlisted about 30
of Jan.; and according to the Inlisting Orders we proceeded to chuse our
Officers, and proceeded to Head Quarters. The Men which constituted our Company
were chiefly from the Town of Chatham, — a very civil Set of People, with whom
I lived very Quietly. On our arrival at Roxbury we found (by the Negligence of
the Barrack Master) that no Barracks were provided for the Melitia. Our Company
turned in at Roxbury Street for about 4 days, in old Houses & Cellars; but
as we could no longer stand it thus Barracked, & finding no Confidence
could be put in their Promises for better Barracks, we made complaint to our
Colonels, and were by the Quarter Master provided for in Houses in Dorchester,
about 4 Miles Distance, where we continued 9 Days; during which Time great
Preparations were making for some new Enterprize, such as Fashienes,
Gaboreenes, Barracks ready Framed, & boards cut. All immagined that
Dorchester Hill was the Object of our Attention. This Hill is Situate South
from Boston about a Mile & an Half, and by Nature seemed formed for the
Command of Boston; & not only so, but it commanded a place called Nook
Point, about Half way from that place to Boston, — a most convenient place for
either Bombarding or Cannonading the Town of Boston. Our Enemies had been long
determined to take possession of these Places, as they not only prevent our
taking them, but would also be an advantageous Scituation for a Part of their
Army. The deep Frost prevented our proceeding till the Evening of the 4 of
March, when about 21 Hundred men from Genls Spencer's & Thomas Brigades
(which were both stationed at Roxbury), all things being prepared &
previously conveyed to the Causeway that leads to the Neck on which the Hill
stands, proceeded at about 8 o'clock in the Evening to work upon the Hills, and
were relieved at 3 the next Morning by the rest part of our two Brigades,
consisting of about 25 Hundred, besides 500 Rifle Men from Cambridge &
Roxbury. But here I must not leave unnoticed a grand piece of Generalship which
preceded our going upon the Hills. On the Evening of the 2 of March the General
(knowing all things were nearly prepared for the Work) gave Orders for begining
a Cannonading & Bombardment of the Town, in order to divert the Enemy that
they need not be mistrustfull of our Scheeme, as they would possibly if they
had notice of our proceedings either annoy us while working with their Cannon
or perhaps might come out with their Army before the Work was finished. The
Cannonading & Bombarding began from Prospect Hill about 12 o'clock in the
Night of the 2 of March, as also from Leechmore's Point, from the Fortress on Cobble
Hill, & from the Lines at Roxbury; the enemy Returned the Compliment to the
Former Places, but as they had previously removed their Cannon (as we
afterwards immagin'd) from their Lines on the Neck, they were not so
Complaisant to us at Roxbury. I must also here observe that the day before this
the General ordered all the Forces that for conveniency were stationed back to
be removed down to the Lines as nigh as possible, and that in consequence of
this our Company was that day removed and Barracked in one of the Out Houses of
what is called the Hutchinson House, near the Line that separateth Roxbury from
Dorchester. A Room was provided for the Officers near by, and we thaught
ourselves happy in being so well provided for in such a Croud of both officers
and men. In the Eveng of the 3d the rout began again, and we at Roxbury found
that they were not so neglectfull of us as on the night before.
In the Evening of
the 4th, as I before mentioned, our Men went upon the Hill to work, upon which
a more Furious Fire was began than ever, and returned by the Enemy with eaqual
Vigour, chiefly upon Roxbury, not mistrusting our People upon the Hill, though
it was a very Light Moonshine Evening. 23 Men from our Company went this
Evening, and I had a warrant to parrade at 3 in the Morning to go with the
Relief. Being anxious to see the Proceedings on both sides, I went to a small
Battery of ours a little out of the Direction of their Shot and Bombs, where I
tarried about two Hours, & thaught myself Safe; for as the aforesaid Battery
was made no use of by us they took no Notice of it, but it being something nigh
the Range of our Right Hand Fort, their Shot which were aimed at that fort
passed about 200 yards to the Westward of me, here I could see 4 &
sometimes 5 of their Boms flying in the Air at a Time, aimed at the Right Hand
Fort that they fell about 1/8 of a Mile distance. At Length a Shot which fell
near the Fort by its fall took a different direction and came immediately where
I was standing; it hopped after its first Falling about 4 times, & if it
had hoped again before it broke, as its Velocity was diminishing, it would have
come, as near as I can judge, to the very Spot where I was; it broke about 25
Yard Distance, and one of the Pieces came with great rapidity about 2 Yards above
my Head. The Fire still continued; but at about 3, when the Relieves of every
Regiment to parade, God so ordered it that their Fire was a little abated, or
in all probability they must have killed more of us, — one Lieut. Mayo being
the only Man hurt; he had his thigh Shot off, of which he died the next Day.
Upon our arrival upon the Hills (for we took possession of 2 by building
Forts), I was prodigiously surprised to find the Vast works that had been
carried on in so little Time. We relieved them, and they got off without being
discovered by the Enemy, which was no small Favour both in our coming on &
their going off, as the Causeway over which we had to pass was greatly exposed
to their Fire from their Works on the Neck. When the Enemy discovered us in ye
Morning they ceased firing upon Roxbury, and must be much shagriened to find
they had fired so intently upon Roxbury when the Men were as they thought
mostly on the Hills.
We expected a
Salute immediately from their Ships in the Harbour as also from their Works,
and they must have greatly annoyed us had they fired when our Forts were thus
weak, being then little besides Fashiens about 6 Feet thick. However this was
not their disign. They fired a few Shot upon us as we were seting the Fatigue
Partys, and brok 6 or 8 small arms in our Rigiment; but as their Balls struck
chiefly before they reached us, we could avoid them. The Enemy Imbarqued on
Board Transports about 11 o'clock, and were to have landed (as we after found)
upon the Point under cover of the Shiping & of the Castle the next Night;
why they had not done it that Day, if ever they intended it, God only knows.
For my part, I should have been willing to have receivd them either
by night or Day, as we had a tolerable cover from Musquetry, and as to their
Field Pieces they could not have brought them to bear because of the
Sciatuation of the ground. Had they been so rash they would in all probability
have found the 5th of March, 1776, more Bloody on their Side than Preston made
the same Day in 17701 on ours. In fine, I cant think it was ever
their design more than to make a Parade. But they have a good excuse, for about
11 at night the most violent Storm of Wind & Rain mixed with Snow &
Hail arose that ever I was exposed to. Having nothing to cover us excepting
Apple Trees, wee stood it out till about 5 in the Morning, when wee were relievd.
What I suffered this night I shall ever bear in mind, therefore need not here
mention it. Had the enemy have been so foolish as to have attacked us upon the
Hills, our People to the amount of about 5,000 Men stood by their Boats at
Cambridge and were to have made a descent upon Boston, which they must have
easily carried, as I since learn that Genl How at the Head of the Remainder of
his Troops was to have made an attack upon our Lines at Roxbury. Had this been
the Case, what a woefull Scituation must he have been in, even if he had forced
the Lines with our Forces on each Side!
When the Forts were
a little finished our People began to make preparations for Nooke Point, before
mentioned, by carting Fashienes, &c., in the Face of the Day as nigh the
Place as the Scituation would allow (there being a Mire betweene that & the
Forts). This place is about Mile distant from the Centre of the Town, and as
convenient a place as could even have been wished for from which to through
Bombs to the Town. The Enemy, discovring our Motions by this imprudent Step,
concluded that we should be at work that Night, therefore the[y] began a most
Heavy Fire from the Shipping in the Harbour, from several of the Wharves, &
from several Batteries; such a Firing was never before heard in New England.
They killd 4 Men with one Ball, which was all the Dammage they did us; and the
next morning we picked up 700 Balls that they had fired upon us. The next night
being the 17th of March, all things being in Readiness, we erected a small
Breast Work on the aforesaid Point without being discoverd by the Enemy till
Day Light next Morning, when they began a most severe canonading from their
Works upon the Neck; but being unable to affect any thing to our Damage, they
made a Most precipitate retreat, leaving the chief of the Effects of the
Inhabitants unhurt, tho they Dammaged many Houses and much furniture. They left
behind them three excellent Mortars, many Bombs, and about 200 Cannon, the most
of which were heavy Pieces all spiked up, and about 100 of them having their
Trunnions broke of. Thus was the British Army routed from a Fortress which they
were sufferred peaceably to build, of the Strength of which they used to make
such boastings; and also from the Bunker Hill, which cost them at least the
Lives of 1,800 Men, besides the vast Labour & Expense they had bestowed to
erect & defend it.
Immediately upon
their Retreat we entered the Town with part of the Forces from Roxbury by Land
& some considerable Force from Cambridge by Water. We found the Works upon
the Neck entire, the Cannon spiked up & the Shells chiefly split, &
many of the Cannon Carriages cut to pieces. These Lines upon the Neck were
handsomely built & so amazingly strong that it would have been
impracticable for us to have forced them. The other Works were not so well
constructed as I immagined wee should have found them; especially at the Bottom
of the Common & on Beacon Hill they appeared to be ill constructed &
design'd for little but to frighten us. The Enemy embarqued in boats &
joined the Fleet, which had chiefly quited the Harbour, & fell down to
Nantascet from our first building upon the Hills, some few of the Men of War
& Transports for the Tories only excepted, who remained to cover the Town.
The Admiral finding we had built upon Nook Point & another small Hill, both
of which were advantageously scituated to rake the Harbour, thought he could
with no degree of Safety tarry any longer ; wherefore he sent to General Howe
acquainting him that he was about to quit the Harbour. This, it is said,
hastened the General's Retreat, or he would probably have taken his artilery
with him. They left no Powder behind them, but we could plainly see where they
burnt vast Quantities of that valuable article; could they have affected the
Destruction of their Artilery with as much dispatch, no doubt they would have
done it. Quere, Whether it would not be wisdom in the Parliament of England to
offer a large Premium to the Person that shall contrive a method to annihilate
Cannon, Mortars, Bombs, &c., in a Short space of Time; otherwise the Rebels
will soon furnish themselves with a Stock of these articles without being put
to the Trouble of making them Themselves.
1 The Boston Massacre.
SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, pp. 7-14
TO DEBORAH NORRIS1:
Tho' I have not the
least shadow of an opportunity to send a letter, if I do write, I
will keep a sort of journal of the time that may expire before I see
thee: the perusal of it may some time hence give pleasure in a
solitary hour to thee and our Sally Jones.2
Yesterday, which
was the 24th of September, two Virginia officers call'd at our house,
and inform'd us that the British Army had cross'd the Schuylkill. Presently
after, another person stopp'd, and confirm'd what they had said, and that
Gen'l Washington and Army were near Pottsgrove.3 Well, thee may be
sure we were sufficiently scared; however, the road was very still till
evening.
About seven o'clock
we heard a great noise. To the door we all went. A large number of waggons,
with about three hundred of the Philadelphia Militia. They begged for
drink, and several push'd into the house. One of those that entered
was a little tipsy, and had mind to be saucy.
I then thought it
time for me to retreat; so figure me (mightily scar'd, as not having
presence of mind enough to face so many of the Military),
running in at one door, and out another, all in a shake with fear; but after a
while, seeing the officers appear gentlemanly, and the soldiers civil, I
call'd reason to my aid. My fears were in some measure dispell'd, tho' my teeth
rattled, and my hand shook like an aspen leaf. They did not offer to take their
quarters with us; so, with many blessings, and as many adieus, they marched
off.
1 For sketch of Deborah Norris see
p. 114.
2 Doubtless this was Sally Wister's aunt,
Sarah Jones, born May 30, 1760, who married Samuel Rutter. The aunt was only
one year older than the niece.
3 The Battle of Brandywine had
occurred September 11th, and the surprise and massacre at Paoli on the
night of the 20th. Howe crossed at Gordon's Ford (now Phenixville),
and Fatland Ford, on September 23d, to the east side of the
Schuylkill, and thence moved down to Philadelphia. Washington was at Pottsgrove
for several days, and then moved over to the Perkiomen. — H. M. Jenkins.
SOURCE: Albert Cook
Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker
Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The
Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 65-7
We were unusually
silent all morning; no passengers came by the house, except to the mill, &
we don’t place much dependence on Mill news.
About twelve o’clock,
cousin Jesse1 heard that Gen. Howe’s army moved down towards
Philadelphia. Then my dear, our hopes & fears were engaged for you.
However, my advice is, summon up all your resolution, call Fortitude to your
aid, and don't suffer your spirits to sink, my dear; there's nothing like
courage; 'tis what I stand in need of myself, but unfortunately have
little of it in my composition.
I was standing in
the kitchen2 about 12, when somebody came to me in a hurry,
screaming, "Sally, Sally, here are the light horse!" This was by far
the greatest fright I had endured; fear tack'd wings to my feet; I was at the
house in a moment; at the porch I stopt, and it really was the light horse.
I ran immediately
to the western door, where the family were assembled, anxiously waiting for the
event. They rode up to the door and halted, and enquired if we had horses to
sell; he was answer'd negatively.
"Have not you,
sir," to my father, "two black horses?"
"Yes, but have
no mind to dispose of them."
My terror had by
this time nearly subsided. The officer and men behav'd perfectly civil; the
first drank two glasses of wine, rode away, bidding his men follow, which,
after adieus in number, they did. The officer was Lieutenant Lindsay,3
of Bland's regiment, Lee's troop. The men, to our great joy, were Americans, and
but 4 in all. What made us imagine them British, they wore blue and red, which
with us is not common.
It has rained all
this afternoon, and to present appearances, will all night. In all probability
the English will take possession of the city to-morrow or next day.
What a change will it be! May the Almighty take you under His protection, for
without His divine aid all human assistance is vain.
"May
heaven's guardian arm protect my absent friends,
From
danger guard them, and from want defend."
Forgive my dear,
the repetition of these lines, but they just darted into my mind. Nothing
worth relating has occurred this afternoon. Now for trifles. I have set a
stocking on the needles, and intend to be mighty industrious. This evening
some of our folks heard a very heavy cannon. We supposed it to be
fir'd by the English. The report seem'd to come from Philada. We hear the
American army will be within five miles of us tonight.
1 JESSE FOULKE, son of William and
Hannah, and brother to Caleb and Amos. He was therefore a "connection by
marriage," but not of kin, at all; the term "cousin"
is purely complimentary. He was born Nov. 9, 1742, and died unmarried, March
16, 1821. He and his unmarried sister Priscilla continued to occupy the old
Foulke mansion, and lived to advanced years. — H. M. J.
2 The kitchen was "a small distance from
the house." See infra, under date of June 5, 1778.
3 WILLIAM LINDSAY, whose father, William
Lindsay, had come from Jamaica and settled at Port Royal, Caroline County,
Virginia, was appointed a Cornet in Colonel Bland's Regiment of Virginia
Light Dragoons, June 16, 1776. On the 18th of December of the
same year he was raised to the rank of Lieutenant. March 15, 1777, he
became Third Lieutenant of the First Continental Dragoons. He
received a wound near Valley Forge, January 21, 1778. On the 7th of April
following he was made Captain of Lee's Battalion of Light
Dragoons. He resigned from the Army, October 1, 1778. He lived for a time near
Fredericksburg, but having received the first appointment to the office of Collector of the
Customs for Norfolk and Portsmouth under the Federal government, he removed
with his family to the latter place. He died September 1, 1797, while on a trip
to Newport, Rhode Island, and was buried there in Trinity churchyard. By his
wife, Martha Fox, he had several children, of whom Colonel William
Lindsay was a prominent officer of the United States Army. — Bland
MSS., Cong. Lib., Wash.; Heitman; "Lindsay Genealogy," 225 (Albany,
1889); Norfolk Herald, Sept. 29, 1838; Columbian Sentinel (Boston), September
13, 1797.
SOURCE: Albert Cook
Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker
Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The
Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 69-73
