At the precise period when my medical studies and education are completed, under the patronage of Dr. Abner Hersey of Barnstable, and I am contemplating the commencement of a new career in life, I find our country about to be involved in all the horrors of a civil war. A series of arbitrary and oppressive measures, on the part of the mother country, has long been advancing to that awful crisis, when an appeal to the power of the sword becomes inevitable. The event of this mighty struggle i
s to decide an affair of infinite magnitude, not merely as it
respects the present generation, but as it will affect the welfare and
happiness of unborn millions. The great fundamental principle, in the present
controversy, is the right which is claimed by the Parliament of Great Britian,
to exercise dominion, as the only supreme, and uncontrollable legislative power
over all the American Colonies. "Can they make laws to bind the colonies
in all cases whatever; levy taxes on them without their consent; dispose of the
revenues, thus raised, without their control; multiply officers at pleasure,
and assign them fees, to be paid without, nay, contrary to and in direct
violation of acts of our Provincial Assemblies and approved by the crown? Can
they enlarge the power of admiralty courts; divert the usual channels of
justice; deprive the colonists of trial by a jury of their countrymen; in
short, break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against
arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies." Then
indeed are we reduced to a state of abject slavery; and all resistance to acts
of Parliament may justly be called by the name of treason and rebellion.
"The people of these colonies consider themselves as British subjects,
entitled to all the rights and privileges of Freemen. It is inseparably
essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen,
that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally
or by their representatives. From their local circumstances, the colonies
cannot be represented in the house of commons of Great Britain; the only
representatives of the people of the colonies are the persons chosen therein by
themselves; and no taxes ever can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by
their respective legislatures." All acts of Parliament therefore, for
raising a revenue in America, are considered as depriving us of our property,
without our consent, and consequently as a palpable infringement of our ancient
rights and privileges. They are unconstitutional and arbitrary laws, subversive
of the liberties and privileges secured to us by our royal charters. It is not
consistent with the principles which actuate the American people, ever tamely
to submit to such a degrading system of government; not however from a want of
loyalty to our king, nor from an undue impatience of subordination or legal
restraint; for in a quiet submission and demeanor to constitutional authority,
and in zeal and attachment to our king, we dare to vie with any of our fellow
subjects of Great Britain; but it is an innate love of liberty, and our just
rights, that impels us to the arduous struggle. In no country, it is asserted,
is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights
inherent to freemen more generally diffused, or better understood, than among
the British American Colonies. Our religious and political privileges are
derived from our virtuous fathers; they were inhaled with our earliest breath;
and are, and will I trust ever be, implanted and cherished in the bosom of the
present and future generations. These are the prevalent sentiments in New
England at this eventful crisis, and all the other provinces, Georgia excepted,
are known to be in unison with us in the resolution, to oppose with all our
power every violation of our just rights and privileges. We are not however
authorized, even in the most glorious of causes, to expect a perfect unanimity
among a people. Numerous are the springs of men's actions; and diversity of
sentiment and views are characteristic of human nature. Accordingly we find a
small minority in our country who are inimical to the common cause, and who are
continually opposing every proceeding of the majority. These people are
doubtless actuated by various motives; a few, comparatively, influenced by
principle; some by a spirit of timidity, or the absurd doctrine of passive
obedience and non-resistance; others, from the strength of their passions, and
weakness of judgment, are biassed and led astray by designing demagogues. There
are, however, those who are vile enough to prostrate all honor and principle
with the sordid view of office and preferment,
"For
'tis their duty, all the learned think,
T'espouse
that cause by which they eat and drink."
Those disaffected
individuals, who still adhere to the royal cause, have received the epithet of
Tories; the very name is extremely abhorrent to the people in general, and they
are subjected to such rigorous discipline as to prevent them from doing injury
to the great cause of our country. The great majority of the people are happily
united in the resolution to oppose, to the uttermost, the wicked attempts of
the English cabinet. This class of people have assumed the appellation of
Whigs; but by our enemies are stigmatized by the name of Rebels. If, as we
affirm, the British government have ceased to rule agreeably to the principles
of our constitution, and our royal charter, and have assumed to themselves the
high prerogative of despotic sway, then are we absolved from our allegiance and
duties as British subjects. A contract abrogated by one party can no longer be
binding on the other. If we are menaced with royal power and authority, we
justify ourselves in defending our indefeasible rights against despotism and
tyrannical oppression. Cowards alone will bend to unjust power, and slaves and
sycophants only will yield both soul and body to the disposal of tyrannical
masters. Should our efforts, under God, be crowned with the desired success, we
shall obtain the honor of rescuing ourselves and posterity from vassalage; but
if compelled to succumb under royal power, then will ours be the rebel's fate,
the scaffold and the gibbet will be glutted with their devoted victims. We
cannot justly be accused of a rash precipitance of proceeding; for petitions
and memorials, couched in the most loyal and humble language, have been at
various periods presented to our royal sovereign, and his parliament, praying
for a redress of grievances; but they are deaf to all our complaints and
supplications, and the coercive arm of power is suspended over us, threatening
implacable vengeance.
Among the odious
acts of the British Parliament they passed one which imposed a duty on the
article of tea, and several cargoes of this commodity were shipped to America
to obtain the duty and a market. On the arrival of the tea ships at Boston
great indignation was excited among the people; town meetings were called to
devise some legal measures to prohibit the landing of the odious article. It
was universally understood that if the tea was once landed, and stored, it
would by some means come to a market and the duty to the government would be
secured. In order to defeat this object a number of persons in disguise entered
the ships at the wharves, broke open 342 chests of tea, and discharged their
contents into the water at the dock. This was on the 16th December, 1773. When
intelligence of this summary proceeding reached England, it was condemned by
the government as enormously criminal. They menaced our Province with the most
exemplary vengeance, and Parliament soon passed the Boston Vindictive Port Bill
as a part of their coercive system, so that merely the name of tea is now
associated with ministerial grievances, and tea drinking is almost tantamount
to an open avowal of toryism. Those who are anxious to avoid the odious epithet
of enemies to their country, strictly prohibit the use of tea in their
families, and the most squeamish ladies are compelled to have recourse to
substitutes, or secretly steal indulgence in their favorite East India
beverage.
SOURCE: James
Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War,
from 1775 to 1783, pp. 9-13
