Samuel Curwen to Dr. John Prince, Halifax, August 4, 1775

London, August 4, 1775.

I presume you little expected to hear from a fellow sufferer in the cause of loyalty, a whole army of whom are here lamenting their own and their country's unhappy fate. I heard of your escape, and a circumstance connected with it that must render your existence more tolerable, viz., that you were accompanied by your wife and children, and I cordially rejoice in your and their deliverance from the evils which attend our common friends in Salem, and elsewhere in New England. What melancholy scenes they and we are to go through before this unnatural controversy is ended, God only knows! — May you and I be prepared for the worst events. If any of our common friends are in Halifax, be pleased to remember me to them in the kindest manner. Our old friend Ben. Pickman desires to be remembered to you.

With much regard, etc.,

S. CURWEN

SOURCE: George Atkinson Ward, Journal and Letters of the Late Samuel Curwen, Judge of Admiralty, etc., An American Refugee in England from 1775 to 1784, pp. 34-5

Diary of Reverend Enos Hitchcock, June 20, 1777

Wrote Home No. 8 & to Rev. Forbes Mr. Herrick & Brother David—Major Hull dined with us upon Roast Beef &c—Capt. Raymond set off for N. England; fair Day—

SOURCE: Amos Perry, The Town Records of Rhode Island, Publications of the Rhode Island Historical Society, New Series, Vol. 7 (1899), p. 114

Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, June 14, 1775

General Gage has issued a proclamation declaring theprovince of Massachusetts Bay to be in a state of rebellion, offering a pardon to all who will resort to his standard, and denouncing the penalty of martial law on all those who refuse to submit to his authority, or who shall be found aiding or corresponding with such as he has designated as unpardonable rebels and traitors. He has been pleased to proscribe by name, Mr. John Hancock and Mr. Samuel Adams, as objects of his exemplary vengeance. Yet, singular as it may appear, this same authorized Governor, and General in Chief of the royal army, is now cooped up in the town of Boston, panting for a country airing, of which he is debarred by his denounced rebels.

We are again shocked by intelligence that a terrible battle has been fought between the British regulars and the American soldiers, on Bunker, or rather Breed's hill, in Charlestown, near Boston, on the 17th instant. The report states that the whole town of Charlestown is burnt to ashes by the enemy, and that Dr. Joseph Warren, lately appointed Major General in our army, is killed; and that several hundreds of our soldiers are killed and wounded. battle, it is said, was extremely severe and destructive; but the provincial troops displayed the greatest courage and bravery, in the face of the regulars, and have obtained immortal honor. The British were several times defeated before they took possession of our works, and have suffered a loss of more than a thousand of their best troops; among whom are a large proportion of their most valuable officers. They are now taught that Americans can bid defiance to royal regulars, when called to defend their freedom. The situation of our country is truly deplorable, a civil war at our doors; our neighbors, our fathers and brothers, called from their families to encounter an inexorable enemy consisting indeed of brethren and kindred; our domestic peace and welfare cruelly interrupted, and the aspect of our public affairs gloomy in the extreme. All New England has become a theatre of military array; and every member of the community manifests the deepest concern for the great calamities, with which the country is afflicted, by the tyrannical measures of a corrupt administration. In the favor of Heaven and the wisdom of our Congress we repose all our hope and confidence. Participating, I trust, in the glorious spirit of the times, and contemplating improvement in my professional pursuits, motives of patriotism and private interest prompt me to hazard my fortune in this noble conflict, with my brethren in the Provincial army. From the critical and embarrassed situation of our country, numerous and almost insurmountable difficulties are opposed to my view; and I am too young to possess a maturity of judgment, but yet unable to resist the impulse of enthusiasm which characterizes the times. My friends afford me no encouragement, alleging, that as this is a civil war, if I should fall into the hands of the British the gallows will be my fate. The terrors of the gallows are not to be conquered, but I must indulge the hope that I may escape it. Hundreds of my superiors may take their turn before mine shall come. The tories assail me with the following powerful arguments. "Young man, are you sensible you are about to violate your duty to the best of kings, and run headlong into destruction? Be assured that this rebellion will be of short duration. The royal army is all powerful, and will, in a few months, march through the country and bring all to subjection; for they are experienced in war and expert in discipline. Their fleet is able to destroy every seaport town and beat down all our cities. There remains no rational alternative but a reconciliation and renewed obedience to our lawful government; or we shall soon experience their just vengeance. What is your army but an undisciplined rabble? Can they stand against an army of regulars? where are your cannon, your fire arms, your bayonets, and all your implements of war? above all, where is your treasure, and where can you look for a barrel of gun powder? the whole country can scarcely afford a sufficiency for a battle of an hour." Not a small portion of their reasoning I feel to be just and true. I am not certain, however, but much of it may prove erroneous. The result of the late battle at Charlestown should convince the most incredulous tory, that our soldiers will face the regular troops, and that we are blessed with the smiles of Heaven on our exertions. It would be presumption in me to determine as to possibilities and prospects; but the voice of liberty cannot be stifled, while the welfare and happiness of more than three millions of people now in America, and of unborn millions, are involved in the issue. Our rulers are the most competent judges, and under their banners I shall venture, I hope not rashly, to enlist, and trust my destiny in the hands of a kind and overruling Providence. My contemplated enterprise, it is true, requires the experience and resolution of riper years than tweny one, and qualifications, which I do not possess, to ingratiate myself with strangers and those in authority. Having consulted Joseph Otis, Esq. of Barnstable, on this occasion, he immediately applauded my enterprise, and politely furnished me with a letter to his brother-in-law James Warren, Esq. of Plymouth, who is President of our Provincial Congress at Watertown. Imagination could not fail to paint my prospects in bright colors, and I proceeded, July the 3d, with alacrity to the seat of Congress. I was not disappointed in my interview with Mr. Warren; my letter procured for me a favorable and polite reception. He honored me with his friendship and kind assistance, and introduced me to his lady, whose father's family and my own, have for many years been on terms of friendly intercourse. The office which I solicit is one in the medical department, in the provincial hospital at Cambridge. A medical board, consisting of Drs. Holton and Taylor, are appointed to examine the candidates; and they added my name to the list for examination, on the 10th instant. This state of suspense continuing several days, excites in my mind much anxiety and solicitude, apprehending that my stock of medical knowledge, when scanned by a learned committee, may be deemed inadequate, and all my hopes be blasted. While on my journey, a visit of a few days to my friends at Plymouth, gave me an opportunity to pay my respects to the rock, which received the first footsteps of our venerated forefathers. The inhabitants of this ancient town, from a reverence for the memory of the virtuous band of brothers from whom we derive our origin, have lately with commendable zeal and much labor, split off the upper portion of the rock, and removed it to a public square near the church and court house. This rock, with its associations, would seem almost capable of imparting that love of country, and that moral virtue, which our times so much require. We seem holding converse with the celestial spirits, and receiving monition from those who are at rest in their graves. Have these ancient sages bequeathed their mantle to posterity? Can we set our feet on their rock without swearing, by the spirit of our fathers, to defend it and our country? If we reflect on their matchless enterprise, their fortitude, and their sufferings, we must be inspired with the spirit of patriotism, and the most invincible heroism. Unappalled by the dangers of unknown seas, and the perils and the hardships of a savage wilderness, they left their native country and undertook a settlement which promises, through ages, to remain the rich abode of knowledge, religion, virtue and freedom. Let us then cherish a becoming sense of the exalted privileges inherited from our ancestors, and resolve to defend them against all attempts of a corrupt administration.

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 24-8

Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, May 1775

Since the catastrophe at Lexington, our Provincial Congress have addressed the several towns of the colony in a circular letter, in the following impressive language. "We conjure you by all that is dear, by an that is sacred, that you give all assistance possible in forming the Army. Our all is at stake. Death and devestation are the certain consequences of delay. Every moment is infinitely precious. An hour lost may deluge your country in blood, and entail perpetual slavery on the few of your posterity who may survive the carnage. We beg and entreat, as you will answer it to your country, to your consciences, and, above all, as you will answer it to God himself, that you will hasten and encourage, by all possible means, the enlistment of men to form the Army, and send them forward to head quarters at Cambridge, with that expedition which the vast importance and instant urgency of the affair demands."

It is scarcely possible to describe the zeal and military ardor which pervades New England since the battle at Lexington. It is supposed that nearly forty thousand men have been in arms with the design of investing the town of Boston, and avenging themselves on the enemy for their late slaughter of our brethren. The universal voice is "starve them out." Drive them from the town and let his majesty's ships be their only place of refuge. Our Provincial Congress have resolved that an army of thirty thousand men be immediately raised and established. A considerable number have already enlisted, and being formed into regiments, have taken their station at Cambridge and Roxbury. The country militia, in great numbers, have arrived from various parts of New England; and the town of Boston is now invested on all sides, and thus is the whole royal army reduced to the humble condition of a besieged garrison. The situation of the inhabitants is deplorable; a considerable proportion of the most affluent have removed into the country; but others, from various circumstances, are compelled to remain and suffer all the calamities of a besieged town and precarious subsistence. Instances indeed are not wanting of members of families being torn from each other, women and children flying from their husbands and parents, under the most afflictive and destitute circumstances.

We are now experiencing a singular kind of Interregnum in our Province; more than a year has elapsed without any legal government, or any regular administration of law and justice. No crimes, however, of an atrocious nature have, we believe, been perpetrated; all classes of people appear to be submissive, under the influence of the principles of moral rectitude and common justice; and the resolutions and recommendations of Congress have all the weight and efficacy of laws. Our domestic tranquillity is in some measure interrupted by a restless spirit among the tories; but the great body of the community are actuated by the glorious cause of our country's freedom. The maxim adopted by our enemies is, "Divide and conquer." We enjoin the command, "Unite and be invincible." It is considered infinitely important to encourage and promote a more perfect union among the colonies, and harmony and unanimity among the people. "Liberty or death." "Unite or die," are the mottos which blazon the chronicles of the day, and embellish the military standards of almost every militia company. man who does not acquiesce in the theme of liberty is marked by the vigilant eye of suspicion, or stigmatized as an enemy to his country. Liberty poles are erected in almost every town and village; and when a disaffected tory renders himself odious, by any active conduct, with the view of counteracting the public measures, he is seized by a company of armed men, and conducted to the liberty pole, under which he is compelled to sign a recantation, and give bonds for his future good conduct. In some instances, of particular stubbornness and obstinacy, individuals have been imprisoned, or their names have been published in the newspapers as enemies to their country. It has indeed unfortunately happened, that a few individuals, in consequence of their own indiscretion, have been the subjects of a more rigorous procedure. Having fallen into the hands of those whose zeal has transported them beyond the bounds of moderation, they have received from the rabble a coat of tar and feathers, and in this predicament have been exposed to the scoffs and ridicule of the populace. Such examples have the effect of striking terror into the hearts of all the disaffected, and of restraining the whole party from acting against the general sense of the people. The tories make bitter complaints against the discipline which they receive from the hands of the whigs; their language is, "You make the air resound with the cry of liberty, but subject those who differ from you to the humble condition of slaves, not permitting us to act, or even think, according to the dictates of conscience." The reply is, "It is one of the first principles of a free government, that the majority shall bear rule; our majority is immensely large; we have undertaken the hazardous task of defending the liberties of our country against the mighty power of Great Britian; and hold ourselves responsible for our conduct. If you possess not patriotism and courage enough to unite your efforts with ours, it is our duty to put it out of your power to injure the common cause. If we are successful, your party and posterity will participate in the important advantages to be derived from our efforts. If our party should be crushed, then will yours in turn become triumphant." A small number of our tories have abandoned their homes, their families and property, and resorted to the standard of their royal master in Boston; consoling themselves in the confident expectation of an ample reward, and a triumphant restoration. The clergymen of New England are, almost without exception, advocates of whig principles; there are a few instances only of the separation of a minister from his people, in consequence of a disagreement in political sentiment. The tories censure, in a very illiberal manner, the preacher who speaks boldly for the liberties of the people, while they lavish their praises on him who dares to teach the absurd doctrine, that magistrates have a divine right to do wrong, and are to be implicitly obeyed. It is recommended by our Provincial Congress, that on other occasions than the sabbath, ministers of parishes adapt their discourses to the times, and explain the nature of civil and religious liberty, and the duties of magistrates and rulers. Accordingly, we have from our pulpits the most fervent and pious effusions to the throne of Divine Grace in behalf of our bleeding, afflicted country. A zealous divine, who has been compelled to abandon the people of his charge in Boston, on one occasion used, in the pulpit at P***, the following emphatical language. "Oh! Lord, if our enemies will fight us, let them have fighting enough. If more soldiers are on their way hither, sink them, O Lord, to the bottom of the sea." Every heart seemed ready to respond, "Amen, yea, let them have fighting enough."

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 20-4

Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, January 1775

At the precise period when my medical studies and education are completed, under the patronage of Dr. Abner Hersey of Barnstable, and I am contemplating the commencement of a new career in life, I find our country about to be involved in all the horrors of a civil war. A series of arbitrary and oppressive measures, on the part of the mother country, has long been advancing to that awful crisis, when an appeal to the power of the sword becomes inevitable. The event of this mighty struggle i

s to decide an affair of infinite magnitude, not merely as it respects the present generation, but as it will affect the welfare and happiness of unborn millions. The great fundamental principle, in the present controversy, is the right which is claimed by the Parliament of Great Britian, to exercise dominion, as the only supreme, and uncontrollable legislative power over all the American Colonies. "Can they make laws to bind the colonies in all cases whatever; levy taxes on them without their consent; dispose of the revenues, thus raised, without their control; multiply officers at pleasure, and assign them fees, to be paid without, nay, contrary to and in direct violation of acts of our Provincial Assemblies and approved by the crown? Can they enlarge the power of admiralty courts; divert the usual channels of justice; deprive the colonists of trial by a jury of their countrymen; in short, break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies." Then indeed are we reduced to a state of abject slavery; and all resistance to acts of Parliament may justly be called by the name of treason and rebellion. "The people of these colonies consider themselves as British subjects, entitled to all the rights and privileges of Freemen. It is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally or by their representatives. From their local circumstances, the colonies cannot be represented in the house of commons of Great Britain; the only representatives of the people of the colonies are the persons chosen therein by themselves; and no taxes ever can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures." All acts of Parliament therefore, for raising a revenue in America, are considered as depriving us of our property, without our consent, and consequently as a palpable infringement of our ancient rights and privileges. They are unconstitutional and arbitrary laws, subversive of the liberties and privileges secured to us by our royal charters. It is not consistent with the principles which actuate the American people, ever tamely to submit to such a degrading system of government; not however from a want of loyalty to our king, nor from an undue impatience of subordination or legal restraint; for in a quiet submission and demeanor to constitutional authority, and in zeal and attachment to our king, we dare to vie with any of our fellow subjects of Great Britain; but it is an innate love of liberty, and our just rights, that impels us to the arduous struggle. In no country, it is asserted, is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights inherent to freemen more generally diffused, or better understood, than among the British American Colonies. Our religious and political privileges are derived from our virtuous fathers; they were inhaled with our earliest breath; and are, and will I trust ever be, implanted and cherished in the bosom of the present and future generations. These are the prevalent sentiments in New England at this eventful crisis, and all the other provinces, Georgia excepted, are known to be in unison with us in the resolution, to oppose with all our power every violation of our just rights and privileges. We are not however authorized, even in the most glorious of causes, to expect a perfect unanimity among a people. Numerous are the springs of men's actions; and diversity of sentiment and views are characteristic of human nature. Accordingly we find a small minority in our country who are inimical to the common cause, and who are continually opposing every proceeding of the majority. These people are doubtless actuated by various motives; a few, comparatively, influenced by principle; some by a spirit of timidity, or the absurd doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance; others, from the strength of their passions, and weakness of judgment, are biassed and led astray by designing demagogues. There are, however, those who are vile enough to prostrate all honor and principle with the sordid view of office and preferment,

"For 'tis their duty, all the learned think,

T'espouse that cause by which they eat and drink."

Those disaffected individuals, who still adhere to the royal cause, have received the epithet of Tories; the very name is extremely abhorrent to the people in general, and they are subjected to such rigorous discipline as to prevent them from doing injury to the great cause of our country. The great majority of the people are happily united in the resolution to oppose, to the uttermost, the wicked attempts of the English cabinet. This class of people have assumed the appellation of Whigs; but by our enemies are stigmatized by the name of Rebels. If, as we affirm, the British government have ceased to rule agreeably to the principles of our constitution, and our royal charter, and have assumed to themselves the high prerogative of despotic sway, then are we absolved from our allegiance and duties as British subjects. A contract abrogated by one party can no longer be binding on the other. If we are menaced with royal power and authority, we justify ourselves in defending our indefeasible rights against despotism and tyrannical oppression. Cowards alone will bend to unjust power, and slaves and sycophants only will yield both soul and body to the disposal of tyrannical masters. Should our efforts, under God, be crowned with the desired success, we shall obtain the honor of rescuing ourselves and posterity from vassalage; but if compelled to succumb under royal power, then will ours be the rebel's fate, the scaffold and the gibbet will be glutted with their devoted victims. We cannot justly be accused of a rash precipitance of proceeding; for petitions and memorials, couched in the most loyal and humble language, have been at various periods presented to our royal sovereign, and his parliament, praying for a redress of grievances; but they are deaf to all our complaints and supplications, and the coercive arm of power is suspended over us, threatening implacable vengeance.

Among the odious acts of the British Parliament they passed one which imposed a duty on the article of tea, and several cargoes of this commodity were shipped to America to obtain the duty and a market. On the arrival of the tea ships at Boston great indignation was excited among the people; town meetings were called to devise some legal measures to prohibit the landing of the odious article. It was universally understood that if the tea was once landed, and stored, it would by some means come to a market and the duty to the government would be secured. In order to defeat this object a number of persons in disguise entered the ships at the wharves, broke open 342 chests of tea, and discharged their contents into the water at the dock. This was on the 16th December, 1773. When intelligence of this summary proceeding reached England, it was condemned by the government as enormously criminal. They menaced our Province with the most exemplary vengeance, and Parliament soon passed the Boston Vindictive Port Bill as a part of their coercive system, so that merely the name of tea is now associated with ministerial grievances, and tea drinking is almost tantamount to an open avowal of toryism. Those who are anxious to avoid the odious epithet of enemies to their country, strictly prohibit the use of tea in their families, and the most squeamish ladies are compelled to have recourse to substitutes, or secretly steal indulgence in their favorite East India beverage.

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 9-13