Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, March 1775

For the purpose of enforcing submission to the cruel mandates of the royal government, a reinforcement of the British army has arrived at Boston; and General Gage is appointed Governor and Commander in Chief. An armed fleet also occupies the harbor; and the whole port is closed against all but British vessels. In short, the horrors of civil war seem stalking, with rapid strides, towards our devoted country. The people have resorted to the expedient of abolishing all the courts of justice under the new regulations. In our shire towns the populace have collected in sufficient numbers to bar the doors of the court houses, and prohibit the entrance of judges and officers; the jurors are so intimidated, or zealous in the good cause, that in general they refuse to take the oath, or to act in any manner under the new modification of government; and the clerks of courts, who have issued warrants by which the jurors are summoned, have in many instances been compelled to acknowledge their contrition, and to publish in the newspapers, a full recantation. At the regular term of the Court of Common Pleas at Barnstable, in September last, I witnessed the following prompt procedure. A body of about twelve hundred men assembled and obstructed the passage to the court house door. The leader of this assemblage was Dr. Nathaniel Freeman, a bold son of liberty, of Sandwich. Colonel James Otis, the chief justice of the court, preceded by the sheriff, approached; and the venerable chief justice demanded admission. Dr. Freeman replied that it was the intention of the people to prevent the court's being opened to exercise those unconstitutional powers, with which they are invested by Parliament. The chief justice, in his majesty's name, commanded them to disperse, and permit the court to enter and proceed to business. But his majesty's name had lost its power; it can have no charms with the sons of liberty. The venerable judge then said he had acquitted himself of his duty, and retired. This proceeding had been discussed and concerted prior to the court term; and Colonel Otis himself, a stanch whig, was, it is believed, not only apprized of, but actually acquiesced in, this bold measure. This excellent man is now advanced to about 74 years in life; he is considered as possessing sound sense and good judgment; and as being of the purest integrity. He has been, for many years, the leading law character in the Old Colony, and a member of his majesty's council of the province; but his patriotism and zeal in the cause of our country have rendered him and his family exceedingly odious to Governor Hutchinson, and other adherents of the crown. Colonel Otis is the parent of that great champion, and able advocate for liberty and the rights of man, James Otis, jun. Esq.

This gentleman is now in a melancholy state of mental derangement; and all New England is deploring the irreparable loss of the talents, eloquence, and patriotic services of this justly celebrated character. Colonel Otis has two other sons, Joseph and Samuel Allen Otis who are active whigs; and a daughter, married to James Warren, Esq. of Plymouth, who is now President of our Provincial Congress. Though no judicial courts are in existence, few crimes are committed; all is peace, order and regularity. The people are their own rulers, and never was there less need of penal laws. Trivial disputes are mutually adjusted or decided by reference; pecuniary demands are suspended, and the simple recommendations of Congress, and of our committees of safety, receive that cheerful acquiescence which is scornfully denied to the coercive edicts emanating from despotic power. For

"Freedom has a thousand charms to show,

That slaves, howe'er contented, never know."

We have a Provincial Congress in session at Concord, consisting of delegates elected by the people, and also a grand Continental Congress at Philadelphia, composed of characters highly distinguished for political wisdom, rigid patriotism and public virtue.

The public indignation is now greatly excited by the following shameful transaction. The people from the country, whose business called them into Boston, were suspected by the officers, of purchasing guns from their soldiers. In order to furnish an opportunity to inflict punishment and to raise occasion for a serious quarrel, Lieutenant Colonel Nesbit of the forty-seventh regiment ordered a soldier to offer a countryman an old rusty musket. A man from Billerica was caught by this bait and purchased the gun for three dollars. The unfortunate man was immediately seized by Nesbit and confined in the guard house all night. Early next morning they stripped him entirely naked, covered him over with warm tar, and then with feathers, placed him on a cart and conducted him through the streets as far as liberty-tree, where the people began to collect in vast numbers, and the military, fearing for their own safety, dismissed the man, and retreated to their barracks. The party consisted of about thirty grenadiers with fixed bayonets, twenty drums and fifes playing the Rogues' March, headed by the redoubtable Nesbit with a drawn sword! What an honorable deed for a British field officer and grenadiers! The selectmen of Billerica remonstrated with General Gage respecting this outrage, but obtained no satisfaction.

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 13-16

Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, April 21, 1775

Intelligence is now received that the British regulars have marched out of Boston, and actually commenced hostilities against our people at Lexington. For the purpose of ascertaining the particular facts, I have been desired to wait on Col. Otis, at his mansion in this town. It was in the evening, when I found this dignified patriot in his easy chair, with several of his neighbors listening with agitated spirits to some account of this first most awful tragedy. The good old gentleman had received a letter containing a statement of some particulars, and with manifest trepidation he said to this effect. "The British troops marched to Lexington and Concord last Wednesday, the 19th instant, for the purpose of destroying some of our military stores; our militia collected and met them at Lexington; the regulars soon commenced firing on them; our people returned the fire; a smart skirmish ensued, and several men were killed on both sides. The British were compelled to retreat, in some confusion, to Boston; and our people pursued and harassed them. The fearful day has arrived! a civil war has actually commenced in our land. We must be prepared for the worst, and may God preserve and protect our country." This tragical event seems to have electrified all classes of people; the brave are fired with manly resentment, the timid overwhelmed in despair; the patriotic whigs sorrowing over public calamities, while the tories indulge the secret hope, that the friends of liberty are about to receive their chastisement. The sword is now unsheathed, and our friends are slaughtered by our cruel enemies; expresses are hastening from town to town, in all directions through the country, spreading the melancholy tidings and inspiriting and rousing the people To Arms! To Arms! The people of New England have taken the alarm, and their hearts are animated even to enthusiasm. There is an enthusiasm in religion, in politics, in military achievements, and in gallantry and love, and why not an enthusiasm in the love of country? No species of enthusiasm surely can be more laudable, or more honorable. Never was a cause more just, more sacred than ours; we are commanded to defend the rich inheritance bequeathed to us by our virtuous ancestors; and it is our bounden duty to transmit it uncontaminated to posterity; we must fight valiantly therefore, for our lives and property, for our holy religion, for our honor, and for our dearest friends. We are not born to be slaves, and are resolved to live and die, free; appealing to the sovereign Ruler of the Universe for the justice of our cause, and relying on his Almighty arm for protection and support. A certain number of active men, in every town, have formed themselves into military companies, under the name of minute men; they are daily practising the manual exercise, and are held in constant readiness to march against the enemy at a moment's warning. We await with trembling expectation the issue of every hour.

Authenticated accounts are now received of the battle at Lexington. On Tuesday evening, 18th instant, General Gage despatched, with as much secrecy as possible, a detachment consisting of eight or nine hundred regulars, under the command of Lieutenant Col. Smith, for the purpose of destroying some military stores, which our people had deposited at Concord, about eighteen miles from Boston. Having arrived at Lexington, six miles short of Concord, they were met by a company of militia, of about one hundred men, who having taken the alarm, began to assemble from different towns before daylight. They were assembled near the church, about sunrise; when the British advanced in quick march to within a few rods, Major Pitcairn called out, "Disperse you Rebels, throw down your arms and disperse." Their small number would not admit of opposition, and while they were dispersing, the regulars huzzaed, and immediately one or two pistols were fired by the officers, and four or five muskets by the soldiers; when a pretty general discharge from the whole party followed, by which eight of our people were killed and seven wounded. The British now renewed their march to Concord, where they destroyed a few articles of stores and sixty barrels of flour. Here they were met by about one hundred and fifty militia men, on whom they fired and killed two, and wounded others. Our militia and minute men were now collecting in considerable numbers, and being justly enraged they made a bold and furious attack on the enemy, and drove them in quick march to Lexington. General Gage having received intelligence of the critical situation of his troops, immediately ordered out Lord Percy, with a large reinforcement, with two field pieces. He marched over the neck through Roxbury, his music playing by way of contempt and derision the tune of "Yankee doodle." This timely reinforcement joined the party under command of Colonel Smith at Lexington, which formed a force of about eighteen hundred men. They soon deemed it prudent to commence their march to Boston, the provincial militia and minute men, continually increasing in numbers, pursued and flanked them with the hope of cutting off their retreat. A Constant skirmishing ensued; the provincials concealed themselves behind stone walls, and with a sure aim thinned their enemies' ranks, and occasioned among them great confusion. On their side, they could only keep up a scattering fire, without effect, frequently firing over the stone walls, when there was not a man to be seen behind them. The great object of the British, was to effect a safe retreat to Boston; but, to avenge themselves, they burnt and plundered houses, destroyed property, and actually murdered several innocent unarmed persons. The situation of the king's forces was, during the day, extremely hazardous; and it is considered wonderful that any of them escaped. Worn down and almost exhausted with fatigue, and their ammunition nearly expended, they had become nearly defenceless when they reached Charlestown, in the evening, after a loss of two hundred and seventy three men, killed, wounded and prisoners. The loss on the side of the Provincials is eighty eight in the whole. The British officers have received a specimen of Yankee courage, which they have hitherto affected to hold in the most sovereign contempt; they have ascertained by fatal experience, that the people of New England will bid defiance to their veteran regulars, and fight courageously in defence of their rights. It is truly said to be matter of astonishment and chagrin, that after all their glorying, their veteran troops have been compelled to flee before a comparatively small number of undisciplined Yankees. The origin of this term, so frequently employed by way of reproach to the New England people, is said to be as follows. A farmer, by name Jonathan Hastings, of Cambridge, about the year 1713 used it as a cant, favorite word, to express excellency when applied to any thing; as a Yankee good horse, Yankee cider, &c. meaning an excellent horse and excellent cider. The students at college, having frequent intercourse with Mr. Hastings, and hearing him employ the term on all occasions, adopted it themselves, and gave him the name of Yankee Jonathan; this soon became a cant word among the collegians to express a weak, simple, awkward person, and from college it was carried and circulated through the country, till, from its currency in New England, it was at length taken up and unjustly applied to the New Englanders in common, as a term of reproach. It was in consequence of this that a particular song called "Yankee doodle," was composed in derision of those scornfully called Yankees.*

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* There appears some incongruity in the above definition of the word Yankee. The following is supposed by some to be the origin from which it is derived. "Yankee is the Indian corruption of English. Yenglees, Yangles, Yankles, and finally Yankee."

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 16-20

Journal of Dr. James Thatcher, January 1775

At the precise period when my medical studies and education are completed, under the patronage of Dr. Abner Hersey of Barnstable, and I am contemplating the commencement of a new career in life, I find our country about to be involved in all the horrors of a civil war. A series of arbitrary and oppressive measures, on the part of the mother country, has long been advancing to that awful crisis, when an appeal to the power of the sword becomes inevitable. The event of this mighty struggle i

s to decide an affair of infinite magnitude, not merely as it respects the present generation, but as it will affect the welfare and happiness of unborn millions. The great fundamental principle, in the present controversy, is the right which is claimed by the Parliament of Great Britian, to exercise dominion, as the only supreme, and uncontrollable legislative power over all the American Colonies. "Can they make laws to bind the colonies in all cases whatever; levy taxes on them without their consent; dispose of the revenues, thus raised, without their control; multiply officers at pleasure, and assign them fees, to be paid without, nay, contrary to and in direct violation of acts of our Provincial Assemblies and approved by the crown? Can they enlarge the power of admiralty courts; divert the usual channels of justice; deprive the colonists of trial by a jury of their countrymen; in short, break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies." Then indeed are we reduced to a state of abject slavery; and all resistance to acts of Parliament may justly be called by the name of treason and rebellion. "The people of these colonies consider themselves as British subjects, entitled to all the rights and privileges of Freemen. It is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally or by their representatives. From their local circumstances, the colonies cannot be represented in the house of commons of Great Britain; the only representatives of the people of the colonies are the persons chosen therein by themselves; and no taxes ever can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures." All acts of Parliament therefore, for raising a revenue in America, are considered as depriving us of our property, without our consent, and consequently as a palpable infringement of our ancient rights and privileges. They are unconstitutional and arbitrary laws, subversive of the liberties and privileges secured to us by our royal charters. It is not consistent with the principles which actuate the American people, ever tamely to submit to such a degrading system of government; not however from a want of loyalty to our king, nor from an undue impatience of subordination or legal restraint; for in a quiet submission and demeanor to constitutional authority, and in zeal and attachment to our king, we dare to vie with any of our fellow subjects of Great Britain; but it is an innate love of liberty, and our just rights, that impels us to the arduous struggle. In no country, it is asserted, is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights inherent to freemen more generally diffused, or better understood, than among the British American Colonies. Our religious and political privileges are derived from our virtuous fathers; they were inhaled with our earliest breath; and are, and will I trust ever be, implanted and cherished in the bosom of the present and future generations. These are the prevalent sentiments in New England at this eventful crisis, and all the other provinces, Georgia excepted, are known to be in unison with us in the resolution, to oppose with all our power every violation of our just rights and privileges. We are not however authorized, even in the most glorious of causes, to expect a perfect unanimity among a people. Numerous are the springs of men's actions; and diversity of sentiment and views are characteristic of human nature. Accordingly we find a small minority in our country who are inimical to the common cause, and who are continually opposing every proceeding of the majority. These people are doubtless actuated by various motives; a few, comparatively, influenced by principle; some by a spirit of timidity, or the absurd doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance; others, from the strength of their passions, and weakness of judgment, are biassed and led astray by designing demagogues. There are, however, those who are vile enough to prostrate all honor and principle with the sordid view of office and preferment,

"For 'tis their duty, all the learned think,

T'espouse that cause by which they eat and drink."

Those disaffected individuals, who still adhere to the royal cause, have received the epithet of Tories; the very name is extremely abhorrent to the people in general, and they are subjected to such rigorous discipline as to prevent them from doing injury to the great cause of our country. The great majority of the people are happily united in the resolution to oppose, to the uttermost, the wicked attempts of the English cabinet. This class of people have assumed the appellation of Whigs; but by our enemies are stigmatized by the name of Rebels. If, as we affirm, the British government have ceased to rule agreeably to the principles of our constitution, and our royal charter, and have assumed to themselves the high prerogative of despotic sway, then are we absolved from our allegiance and duties as British subjects. A contract abrogated by one party can no longer be binding on the other. If we are menaced with royal power and authority, we justify ourselves in defending our indefeasible rights against despotism and tyrannical oppression. Cowards alone will bend to unjust power, and slaves and sycophants only will yield both soul and body to the disposal of tyrannical masters. Should our efforts, under God, be crowned with the desired success, we shall obtain the honor of rescuing ourselves and posterity from vassalage; but if compelled to succumb under royal power, then will ours be the rebel's fate, the scaffold and the gibbet will be glutted with their devoted victims. We cannot justly be accused of a rash precipitance of proceeding; for petitions and memorials, couched in the most loyal and humble language, have been at various periods presented to our royal sovereign, and his parliament, praying for a redress of grievances; but they are deaf to all our complaints and supplications, and the coercive arm of power is suspended over us, threatening implacable vengeance.

Among the odious acts of the British Parliament they passed one which imposed a duty on the article of tea, and several cargoes of this commodity were shipped to America to obtain the duty and a market. On the arrival of the tea ships at Boston great indignation was excited among the people; town meetings were called to devise some legal measures to prohibit the landing of the odious article. It was universally understood that if the tea was once landed, and stored, it would by some means come to a market and the duty to the government would be secured. In order to defeat this object a number of persons in disguise entered the ships at the wharves, broke open 342 chests of tea, and discharged their contents into the water at the dock. This was on the 16th December, 1773. When intelligence of this summary proceeding reached England, it was condemned by the government as enormously criminal. They menaced our Province with the most exemplary vengeance, and Parliament soon passed the Boston Vindictive Port Bill as a part of their coercive system, so that merely the name of tea is now associated with ministerial grievances, and tea drinking is almost tantamount to an open avowal of toryism. Those who are anxious to avoid the odious epithet of enemies to their country, strictly prohibit the use of tea in their families, and the most squeamish ladies are compelled to have recourse to substitutes, or secretly steal indulgence in their favorite East India beverage.

SOURCE: James Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783, pp. 9-13