Wind E. N. E. Light Airs of wind and flattering inclining to Calm, with clear Weather, swell from the S. E. Quarter. Calm. Small breeze from the Southward, made Sail. Wind S. B. E. set T. G. S. Royall's, &c. Squally in Royalls, at Meridian thick Weather and much Rain, in Driver. Distance 60. Lat. observed 39.13. Long. 62.47.
SOURCE: New York Historical Society, Publisher, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1883: The Kemble Papers, Vol. 1 1773-1789, p. 3
Wind W. N. W. Fresh of a sudden from W. N. W., with a hard shower of Rain, then clear Weather, set Steering sails, driver &c. set stay sails fore and aft. Small breeze and pleasant Weather, set Royalls also T. G. steering sails, Water Sail &c. At Meridan Pleasant little breeze and fine Weather with smooth Sea, all Sail set. Current setting to the Southward. Distance 132. Lat. observed 39.50. Long. 59.58.
SOURCE: New York Historical Society, Publisher, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1883: The Kemble Papers, Vol. 1 1773-1789, p. 3
No. I. Minutes of a Journal by ISAAC BANGS;
begun April 1, 1776.
HAVING been in the
Service of the united Colonies as a Lieut in Capt. Benjamin Godfrey's Company
in Coln Carys Regiment of Militia for about 2 months, in which many
glorious Achievements were performed and great Glory added to the Arms of the
Americans by the Expulsion of the Ministerial Army from their Strong Holds in
Boston, in which, according to my Station, I did my proportion of the
fatigueing Duty which was requisite to perform the Manœuver which has brought
an eternal shame and Disgrace upon the British Arms, I was fired with an ardent
Zeal to be farther instrumental in the glorious Cause in which America is now
engaged. With this View I entered Coln John Bailey's Regiment as a
Lieut to Capt Jacob Allen. In some future Time it may perhaps afford Pleasure
to recollect past Toils; and being sensible of the Treachery of my Memory in
recollecting past Events, I think it advisable to keep a few Minutes to assist
a bad Memory (made worse by the Combustion of an Army) in bringing to Mind past
Events. But before I enter upon this I must give a short detail of the
Inducements that first brought me to the Army, & of some of the
material Events and Circumstances which happened during my continuance in Coln
Cary's Regiment. The Ministerial Army had for a long time (Viz., ever since the
Battle of Lexington, on the 19th of April, 1775) been invested by the American
Army, which kept them closely confined to their Quarters in Boston, during
which Time many and Various Manœuvers were practised on both sides to annoy
their Enemies, the Circumstances of which it is not my Design to relate.
In the begins of
January, 1775, it was thought best, if possible, to drive them from their
Fortresses; & as the Lines of our Army were from necessity of a vast
extent, & as it was of infinite Importance that each part should be well
maintained, General Washington thought the American Army not sufficient to
maintain the Lines, and at the same time to act offensively upon the Enemy. He
applied to the Colonies of New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Massachusetts Bay
for a part of the Militia of each Province. The Proportion required & voted
by the Assembly of this Province was 4,368 Men. Among these I inlisted about 30
of Jan.; and according to the Inlisting Orders we proceeded to chuse our
Officers, and proceeded to Head Quarters. The Men which constituted our Company
were chiefly from the Town of Chatham, — a very civil Set of People, with whom
I lived very Quietly. On our arrival at Roxbury we found (by the Negligence of
the Barrack Master) that no Barracks were provided for the Melitia. Our Company
turned in at Roxbury Street for about 4 days, in old Houses & Cellars; but
as we could no longer stand it thus Barracked, & finding no Confidence
could be put in their Promises for better Barracks, we made complaint to our
Colonels, and were by the Quarter Master provided for in Houses in Dorchester,
about 4 Miles Distance, where we continued 9 Days; during which Time great
Preparations were making for some new Enterprize, such as Fashienes,
Gaboreenes, Barracks ready Framed, & boards cut. All immagined that
Dorchester Hill was the Object of our Attention. This Hill is Situate South
from Boston about a Mile & an Half, and by Nature seemed formed for the
Command of Boston; & not only so, but it commanded a place called Nook
Point, about Half way from that place to Boston, — a most convenient place for
either Bombarding or Cannonading the Town of Boston. Our Enemies had been long
determined to take possession of these Places, as they not only prevent our
taking them, but would also be an advantageous Scituation for a Part of their
Army. The deep Frost prevented our proceeding till the Evening of the 4 of
March, when about 21 Hundred men from Genls Spencer's & Thomas Brigades
(which were both stationed at Roxbury), all things being prepared &
previously conveyed to the Causeway that leads to the Neck on which the Hill
stands, proceeded at about 8 o'clock in the Evening to work upon the Hills, and
were relieved at 3 the next Morning by the rest part of our two Brigades,
consisting of about 25 Hundred, besides 500 Rifle Men from Cambridge &
Roxbury. But here I must not leave unnoticed a grand piece of Generalship which
preceded our going upon the Hills. On the Evening of the 2 of March the General
(knowing all things were nearly prepared for the Work) gave Orders for begining
a Cannonading & Bombardment of the Town, in order to divert the Enemy that
they need not be mistrustfull of our Scheeme, as they would possibly if they
had notice of our proceedings either annoy us while working with their Cannon
or perhaps might come out with their Army before the Work was finished. The
Cannonading & Bombarding began from Prospect Hill about 12 o'clock in the
Night of the 2 of March, as also from Leechmore's Point, from the Fortress on Cobble
Hill, & from the Lines at Roxbury; the enemy Returned the Compliment to the
Former Places, but as they had previously removed their Cannon (as we
afterwards immagin'd) from their Lines on the Neck, they were not so
Complaisant to us at Roxbury. I must also here observe that the day before this
the General ordered all the Forces that for conveniency were stationed back to
be removed down to the Lines as nigh as possible, and that in consequence of
this our Company was that day removed and Barracked in one of the Out Houses of
what is called the Hutchinson House, near the Line that separateth Roxbury from
Dorchester. A Room was provided for the Officers near by, and we thaught
ourselves happy in being so well provided for in such a Croud of both officers
and men. In the Eveng of the 3d the rout began again, and we at Roxbury found
that they were not so neglectfull of us as on the night before.
In the Evening of
the 4th, as I before mentioned, our Men went upon the Hill to work, upon which
a more Furious Fire was began than ever, and returned by the Enemy with eaqual
Vigour, chiefly upon Roxbury, not mistrusting our People upon the Hill, though
it was a very Light Moonshine Evening. 23 Men from our Company went this
Evening, and I had a warrant to parrade at 3 in the Morning to go with the
Relief. Being anxious to see the Proceedings on both sides, I went to a small
Battery of ours a little out of the Direction of their Shot and Bombs, where I
tarried about two Hours, & thaught myself Safe; for as the aforesaid Battery
was made no use of by us they took no Notice of it, but it being something nigh
the Range of our Right Hand Fort, their Shot which were aimed at that fort
passed about 200 yards to the Westward of me, here I could see 4 &
sometimes 5 of their Boms flying in the Air at a Time, aimed at the Right Hand
Fort that they fell about 1/8 of a Mile distance. At Length a Shot which fell
near the Fort by its fall took a different direction and came immediately where
I was standing; it hopped after its first Falling about 4 times, & if it
had hoped again before it broke, as its Velocity was diminishing, it would have
come, as near as I can judge, to the very Spot where I was; it broke about 25
Yard Distance, and one of the Pieces came with great rapidity about 2 Yards above
my Head. The Fire still continued; but at about 3, when the Relieves of every
Regiment to parade, God so ordered it that their Fire was a little abated, or
in all probability they must have killed more of us, — one Lieut. Mayo being
the only Man hurt; he had his thigh Shot off, of which he died the next Day.
Upon our arrival upon the Hills (for we took possession of 2 by building
Forts), I was prodigiously surprised to find the Vast works that had been
carried on in so little Time. We relieved them, and they got off without being
discovered by the Enemy, which was no small Favour both in our coming on &
their going off, as the Causeway over which we had to pass was greatly exposed
to their Fire from their Works on the Neck. When the Enemy discovered us in ye
Morning they ceased firing upon Roxbury, and must be much shagriened to find
they had fired so intently upon Roxbury when the Men were as they thought
mostly on the Hills.
We expected a
Salute immediately from their Ships in the Harbour as also from their Works,
and they must have greatly annoyed us had they fired when our Forts were thus
weak, being then little besides Fashiens about 6 Feet thick. However this was
not their disign. They fired a few Shot upon us as we were seting the Fatigue
Partys, and brok 6 or 8 small arms in our Rigiment; but as their Balls struck
chiefly before they reached us, we could avoid them. The Enemy Imbarqued on
Board Transports about 11 o'clock, and were to have landed (as we after found)
upon the Point under cover of the Shiping & of the Castle the next Night;
why they had not done it that Day, if ever they intended it, God only knows.
For my part, I should have been willing to have receivd them either
by night or Day, as we had a tolerable cover from Musquetry, and as to their
Field Pieces they could not have brought them to bear because of the
Sciatuation of the ground. Had they been so rash they would in all probability
have found the 5th of March, 1776, more Bloody on their Side than Preston made
the same Day in 17701 on ours. In fine, I cant think it was ever
their design more than to make a Parade. But they have a good excuse, for about
11 at night the most violent Storm of Wind & Rain mixed with Snow &
Hail arose that ever I was exposed to. Having nothing to cover us excepting
Apple Trees, wee stood it out till about 5 in the Morning, when wee were relievd.
What I suffered this night I shall ever bear in mind, therefore need not here
mention it. Had the enemy have been so foolish as to have attacked us upon the
Hills, our People to the amount of about 5,000 Men stood by their Boats at
Cambridge and were to have made a descent upon Boston, which they must have
easily carried, as I since learn that Genl How at the Head of the Remainder of
his Troops was to have made an attack upon our Lines at Roxbury. Had this been
the Case, what a woefull Scituation must he have been in, even if he had forced
the Lines with our Forces on each Side!
When the Forts were
a little finished our People began to make preparations for Nooke Point, before
mentioned, by carting Fashienes, &c., in the Face of the Day as nigh the
Place as the Scituation would allow (there being a Mire betweene that & the
Forts). This place is about Mile distant from the Centre of the Town, and as
convenient a place as could even have been wished for from which to through
Bombs to the Town. The Enemy, discovring our Motions by this imprudent Step,
concluded that we should be at work that Night, therefore the[y] began a most
Heavy Fire from the Shipping in the Harbour, from several of the Wharves, &
from several Batteries; such a Firing was never before heard in New England.
They killd 4 Men with one Ball, which was all the Dammage they did us; and the
next morning we picked up 700 Balls that they had fired upon us. The next night
being the 17th of March, all things being in Readiness, we erected a small
Breast Work on the aforesaid Point without being discoverd by the Enemy till
Day Light next Morning, when they began a most severe canonading from their
Works upon the Neck; but being unable to affect any thing to our Damage, they
made a Most precipitate retreat, leaving the chief of the Effects of the
Inhabitants unhurt, tho they Dammaged many Houses and much furniture. They left
behind them three excellent Mortars, many Bombs, and about 200 Cannon, the most
of which were heavy Pieces all spiked up, and about 100 of them having their
Trunnions broke of. Thus was the British Army routed from a Fortress which they
were sufferred peaceably to build, of the Strength of which they used to make
such boastings; and also from the Bunker Hill, which cost them at least the
Lives of 1,800 Men, besides the vast Labour & Expense they had bestowed to
erect & defend it.
Immediately upon
their Retreat we entered the Town with part of the Forces from Roxbury by Land
& some considerable Force from Cambridge by Water. We found the Works upon
the Neck entire, the Cannon spiked up & the Shells chiefly split, &
many of the Cannon Carriages cut to pieces. These Lines upon the Neck were
handsomely built & so amazingly strong that it would have been
impracticable for us to have forced them. The other Works were not so well
constructed as I immagined wee should have found them; especially at the Bottom
of the Common & on Beacon Hill they appeared to be ill constructed &
design'd for little but to frighten us. The Enemy embarqued in boats &
joined the Fleet, which had chiefly quited the Harbour, & fell down to
Nantascet from our first building upon the Hills, some few of the Men of War
& Transports for the Tories only excepted, who remained to cover the Town.
The Admiral finding we had built upon Nook Point & another small Hill, both
of which were advantageously scituated to rake the Harbour, thought he could
with no degree of Safety tarry any longer ; wherefore he sent to General Howe
acquainting him that he was about to quit the Harbour. This, it is said,
hastened the General's Retreat, or he would probably have taken his artilery
with him. They left no Powder behind them, but we could plainly see where they
burnt vast Quantities of that valuable article; could they have affected the
Destruction of their Artilery with as much dispatch, no doubt they would have
done it. Quere, Whether it would not be wisdom in the Parliament of England to
offer a large Premium to the Person that shall contrive a method to annihilate
Cannon, Mortars, Bombs, &c., in a Short space of Time; otherwise the Rebels
will soon furnish themselves with a Stock of these articles without being put
to the Trouble of making them Themselves.
1 The Boston Massacre.
SOURCE: Edward Bangs, Edited, Journal of Lieutenant Isaac Bangs, April 1 to July 29, 1776, pp. 7-14
At the precise period when my medical studies and education are completed, under the patronage of Dr. Abner Hersey of Barnstable, and I am contemplating the commencement of a new career in life, I find our country about to be involved in all the horrors of a civil war. A series of arbitrary and oppressive measures, on the part of the mother country, has long been advancing to that awful crisis, when an appeal to the power of the sword becomes inevitable. The event of this mighty struggle i
s to decide an affair of infinite magnitude, not merely as it
respects the present generation, but as it will affect the welfare and
happiness of unborn millions. The great fundamental principle, in the present
controversy, is the right which is claimed by the Parliament of Great Britian,
to exercise dominion, as the only supreme, and uncontrollable legislative power
over all the American Colonies. "Can they make laws to bind the colonies
in all cases whatever; levy taxes on them without their consent; dispose of the
revenues, thus raised, without their control; multiply officers at pleasure,
and assign them fees, to be paid without, nay, contrary to and in direct
violation of acts of our Provincial Assemblies and approved by the crown? Can
they enlarge the power of admiralty courts; divert the usual channels of
justice; deprive the colonists of trial by a jury of their countrymen; in
short, break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against
arbitrary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies." Then
indeed are we reduced to a state of abject slavery; and all resistance to acts
of Parliament may justly be called by the name of treason and rebellion.
"The people of these colonies consider themselves as British subjects,
entitled to all the rights and privileges of Freemen. It is inseparably
essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen,
that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally
or by their representatives. From their local circumstances, the colonies
cannot be represented in the house of commons of Great Britain; the only
representatives of the people of the colonies are the persons chosen therein by
themselves; and no taxes ever can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by
their respective legislatures." All acts of Parliament therefore, for
raising a revenue in America, are considered as depriving us of our property,
without our consent, and consequently as a palpable infringement of our ancient
rights and privileges. They are unconstitutional and arbitrary laws, subversive
of the liberties and privileges secured to us by our royal charters. It is not
consistent with the principles which actuate the American people, ever tamely
to submit to such a degrading system of government; not however from a want of
loyalty to our king, nor from an undue impatience of subordination or legal
restraint; for in a quiet submission and demeanor to constitutional authority,
and in zeal and attachment to our king, we dare to vie with any of our fellow
subjects of Great Britain; but it is an innate love of liberty, and our just
rights, that impels us to the arduous struggle. In no country, it is asserted,
is the love of liberty more deeply rooted, or the knowledge of the rights
inherent to freemen more generally diffused, or better understood, than among
the British American Colonies. Our religious and political privileges are
derived from our virtuous fathers; they were inhaled with our earliest breath;
and are, and will I trust ever be, implanted and cherished in the bosom of the
present and future generations. These are the prevalent sentiments in New
England at this eventful crisis, and all the other provinces, Georgia excepted,
are known to be in unison with us in the resolution, to oppose with all our
power every violation of our just rights and privileges. We are not however
authorized, even in the most glorious of causes, to expect a perfect unanimity
among a people. Numerous are the springs of men's actions; and diversity of
sentiment and views are characteristic of human nature. Accordingly we find a
small minority in our country who are inimical to the common cause, and who are
continually opposing every proceeding of the majority. These people are
doubtless actuated by various motives; a few, comparatively, influenced by
principle; some by a spirit of timidity, or the absurd doctrine of passive
obedience and non-resistance; others, from the strength of their passions, and
weakness of judgment, are biassed and led astray by designing demagogues. There
are, however, those who are vile enough to prostrate all honor and principle
with the sordid view of office and preferment,
"For
'tis their duty, all the learned think,
T'espouse
that cause by which they eat and drink."
Those disaffected
individuals, who still adhere to the royal cause, have received the epithet of
Tories; the very name is extremely abhorrent to the people in general, and they
are subjected to such rigorous discipline as to prevent them from doing injury
to the great cause of our country. The great majority of the people are happily
united in the resolution to oppose, to the uttermost, the wicked attempts of
the English cabinet. This class of people have assumed the appellation of
Whigs; but by our enemies are stigmatized by the name of Rebels. If, as we
affirm, the British government have ceased to rule agreeably to the principles
of our constitution, and our royal charter, and have assumed to themselves the
high prerogative of despotic sway, then are we absolved from our allegiance and
duties as British subjects. A contract abrogated by one party can no longer be
binding on the other. If we are menaced with royal power and authority, we
justify ourselves in defending our indefeasible rights against despotism and
tyrannical oppression. Cowards alone will bend to unjust power, and slaves and
sycophants only will yield both soul and body to the disposal of tyrannical
masters. Should our efforts, under God, be crowned with the desired success, we
shall obtain the honor of rescuing ourselves and posterity from vassalage; but
if compelled to succumb under royal power, then will ours be the rebel's fate,
the scaffold and the gibbet will be glutted with their devoted victims. We
cannot justly be accused of a rash precipitance of proceeding; for petitions
and memorials, couched in the most loyal and humble language, have been at
various periods presented to our royal sovereign, and his parliament, praying
for a redress of grievances; but they are deaf to all our complaints and
supplications, and the coercive arm of power is suspended over us, threatening
implacable vengeance.
Among the odious
acts of the British Parliament they passed one which imposed a duty on the
article of tea, and several cargoes of this commodity were shipped to America
to obtain the duty and a market. On the arrival of the tea ships at Boston
great indignation was excited among the people; town meetings were called to
devise some legal measures to prohibit the landing of the odious article. It
was universally understood that if the tea was once landed, and stored, it
would by some means come to a market and the duty to the government would be
secured. In order to defeat this object a number of persons in disguise entered
the ships at the wharves, broke open 342 chests of tea, and discharged their
contents into the water at the dock. This was on the 16th December, 1773. When
intelligence of this summary proceeding reached England, it was condemned by
the government as enormously criminal. They menaced our Province with the most
exemplary vengeance, and Parliament soon passed the Boston Vindictive Port Bill
as a part of their coercive system, so that merely the name of tea is now
associated with ministerial grievances, and tea drinking is almost tantamount
to an open avowal of toryism. Those who are anxious to avoid the odious epithet
of enemies to their country, strictly prohibit the use of tea in their
families, and the most squeamish ladies are compelled to have recourse to
substitutes, or secretly steal indulgence in their favorite East India
beverage.
SOURCE: James
Thatcher, M.D., A Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War,
from 1775 to 1783, pp. 9-13
1 Joshua Howell, who had married Mrs. Samuel
Shoemaker's sister Catharine, daughter of Edward and Anna (Coleman) Warner.
2 Benjamin Shoemaker, son of Samuel Shoemaker
by his first wife Hannah, daughter of Samuel Carpenter the second, by his wife
Hannah, daughter of Samuel Preston. Benjamin Shoemaker married Mrs. Samuel
Shoemaker's sister, Elizabeth Warner.
SOURCE: “A
Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's
Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of
History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 104
Fourth day. I feel
in a most unsettled humour. I can neither read, work or give my attention one
moment to anything. It is too true that Cornwallis is taken. Tilghman is just
arrived with dispatches from Washington which confirm it. B. S. came here and
shewed us some papers; long conversations we often have together on the
melancholy situation of things.
SOURCE: “A
Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's
Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of
History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 104
Fifth day. I suppose,
dear Mammy, thee would not have imagined this house to be illuminated last
night, but it was. A mob surrounded it, broke the shutters and the glass of the
windows, and were coming in, none but forlorn women here. We for a time
listened for their attacks in fear and trembling till, finding them grow more
loud and violent, not knowing what to do, we ran into the yard. Warm Whigs of
one side, and Hartley's1 of the other (who were treated even worse
than we), rendered it impossible for us to escape that way. We had not been
there many minutes before we were drove back by the sight of two men climbing
the fence. We thought the mob were coming in thro' there, but it proved to be
Coburn and Bob. Shewell, who called to us not to be frightened, and fixed
lights up at the windows, which pacified the mob, and after three huzzas they
moved off. A number of men came in afterwards to see us. French and J. B.
nailed boards up at the broken pannels, or it would not have been safe to have
gone to bed. Coburn and Shewell were really very kind; had it not been for them
I really believe the house would have been pulled down. Even the firm Uncle
Fisher2 was obliged to submit to have his windows illuminated, for
they had pickaxes and iron bars with which they had done considerable injury to
his house, and would soon have demolished it had not some of the Hodges3
and other people got in back and acted as they pleased. All Uncle's sons were
out, but Sammy,4 and if they had been at home it was in vain to
oppose them. In short it was the most alarming scene I ever remember. For two
hours we had the disagreeable noise of stones banging about, glass crashing,
and the tumultuous voices of a large body of men, as they were a long time at
the different houses in the neighbourhood. At last they were victorious, and it
was one general illumination throughout the town. As we had not the pleasure of
seeing any of the gentlemen in the house, nor the furniture cut up, and goods
stolen, nor been beat, nor pistols pointed at our breasts, we may count our
sufferings slight compared to many others. Mr. Gibbs was obliged to make his
escape over a fence, and while his wife was endeavouring to shield him from the
rage of one of the men, she received a violent bruise in the breast, and a blow
in the face which made her nose bleed. Ben. Shoemaker was here this morning;
tho' exceedingly threatened he says he came off with the loss of four panes of
glass. Some Whig friends put candles in the windows which made his peace with
the mob, and they retired. John Drinker5 has lost half the goods out
of his shop and been beat by them; in short the sufferings of those they
pleased to style Tories would fill a volume and shake the credulity of those
who were not here on that memorable night, and to-day Philadelphia makes an
uncommon appearance, which ought to cover the Whigs with eternal confusion. A
neighbour of ours had the effrontery to tell Mrs. G. that he was sorry for her
furniture, but not for her windows—a ridiculous distinction that many of them
make. J. Head has nothing left whole in his parlour. Uncle Penington6
lost a good deal of window-glass. Aunt Burge7 preserved hers thro'
the care of some of her neighbours. The Drinkers and Walns make heavy
complaints of the Carolinians in their neighbourhood. Walns' pickles were
thrown about the streets and barrells of sugar stolen. Grandmammy was the most
composed of anybody here. Was I not sure, my dearest Mother, that you would
have very exaggerated accounts of this affair from others, and would probably
be uneasy for the fate of our friends, I would be entirely silent about it, but
as you will hear it from some one or another, not mentioning it will seem as if
we had suffered exceedingly, and I hope I may depend on the safety of this
opportunity.
1 James Hartley, merchant.
2 William Fisher, merchant, who married Mrs.
Samuel Shoemaker's aunt, Sarah (Coleman). He also lived in Arch Street between
Front and Second Streets. He was a member of the Common Council of Philadelphia
from 1767 to 1770, of the Board of Aldermen from 1770 to the fall of the
Charter government in 1776, and Mayor of the City 1773-1774.
3 Andrew and Hugh Hodge, merchants.
4 The late Samuel W. Fisher, President of the
Philadelphia Insurance Company, and President of Select Council 1811-1813.
5 "October 19. Ye 17th of this month,
October, Gen1 Cornwallis was taken, for which we grievously suffered on ye
24th, by way of rejoicing. A mob assembled about 7 o'clock or before, and
continued their insults until near 10, to those whose Houses were not
illuminated. Scarcely one Friend's House escaped. We had nearly 70 panes of
glass broken; ye sash lights and two panels of the front Parlor broke in
pieces; ye Door cracked and violently burst open; when they threw stones into ye
House for some time, but did not enter. Some fared better and some worse. Some
Houses, after breaking ye door, they entered, and destroyed the Furniture,
&c. Many women and children were frightened into fits, and 'tis a mercy no
lives were lost.” — Extract from the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker, p.
137.
6 Edward Penington, who had married Sarah,
the sister of Samuel Shoemaker.
7 Beulah Burge, a sister of Samuel Shoemaker,
widow of Samuel Burge. Their daughter Sarah married, in 1783, William Rawle,
the elder, who was a brother of the diarist.
8 Hannah Rawle, a daughter of William Hudson
and wife of Benjamin Rawle, a great-uncle of the diarist. Their daughter
Rebecca married Jacob Ridgway. The latter were the parents of the late John
Jacob Ridgway, Mrs. Phœbe Ann Rush (wife of Dr. James Rush), and Mrs. Susan
Barton (wife first of Thomas Roach and second of Dr. John Rhea Barton).
9 Joshua Howell's country seat on the
Schuylkill, now in East Fairmount Park, below the Laurel Hill Cemetery.
SOURCE: “A
Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's
Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of
History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, pp. 104-7
1 A fancy name given to and used by Sarah
Burge (see note, ante) in correspondence during the Revolutionary
War.
2 The late James Cowles Fisher.
3 The Society of Friends.
SOURCE: “A
Loyalist's Account of Certain Occurrences in Philadelphia After Cornwallis's
Surrender at Yorktown. Extracted from the Diary of Miss Anna Rawle.” The
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Publisher, Pennsylvania Magazine of
History and Biography, Vol. 16, 1892 No. 1, p. 107
TO DEBORAH NORRIS1:
Tho' I have not the
least shadow of an opportunity to send a letter, if I do write, I
will keep a sort of journal of the time that may expire before I see
thee: the perusal of it may some time hence give pleasure in a
solitary hour to thee and our Sally Jones.2
Yesterday, which
was the 24th of September, two Virginia officers call'd at our house,
and inform'd us that the British Army had cross'd the Schuylkill. Presently
after, another person stopp'd, and confirm'd what they had said, and that
Gen'l Washington and Army were near Pottsgrove.3 Well, thee may be
sure we were sufficiently scared; however, the road was very still till
evening.
About seven o'clock
we heard a great noise. To the door we all went. A large number of waggons,
with about three hundred of the Philadelphia Militia. They begged for
drink, and several push'd into the house. One of those that entered
was a little tipsy, and had mind to be saucy.
I then thought it
time for me to retreat; so figure me (mightily scar'd, as not having
presence of mind enough to face so many of the Military),
running in at one door, and out another, all in a shake with fear; but after a
while, seeing the officers appear gentlemanly, and the soldiers civil, I
call'd reason to my aid. My fears were in some measure dispell'd, tho' my teeth
rattled, and my hand shook like an aspen leaf. They did not offer to take their
quarters with us; so, with many blessings, and as many adieus, they marched
off.
1 For sketch of Deborah Norris see
p. 114.
2 Doubtless this was Sally Wister's aunt,
Sarah Jones, born May 30, 1760, who married Samuel Rutter. The aunt was only
one year older than the niece.
3 The Battle of Brandywine had
occurred September 11th, and the surprise and massacre at Paoli on the
night of the 20th. Howe crossed at Gordon's Ford (now Phenixville),
and Fatland Ford, on September 23d, to the east side of the
Schuylkill, and thence moved down to Philadelphia. Washington was at Pottsgrove
for several days, and then moved over to the Perkiomen. — H. M. Jenkins.
SOURCE: Albert Cook
Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker
Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The
Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 65-7
This day, till
twelve o'clock, the road was mighty quiet, when Hobson Jones came riding along.
About that time he made a stop at our door, and said the British were at
Skippack road; that we should soon see their light horse, and [that] a
party of Hessians had actually turn'd into our lane. My Dadda and
Mamma gave it the credit it deserv'd, for he does not keep strictly to the
truth in all respects; but the delicate, chicken-hearted Liddy1 and
I were wretchedly scar'd. We cou'd say nothing but "Oh! what shall we do?
What will become of us?" These questions only augmented the terror we were
in.
Well, the fright
went off. We saw no light horse or Hessians. O. Foulke2 came here in
the evening, and told us that Gen'l Washington had come down as far as the
Trappe, and that Gen'l McDougle's brigade was stationed at Montgomery,
consisting of about 16 hundred men. This he had from Dr. Edwards,3 aid-de-camp;
so we expected to be in the midst of one army or t'other.
* This date,
presuming the day of the week to be accurately given, should be the
24th, and it may be here observed that the dates of the month are not
for some time correctly given in the Journal, being a while one day ahead,
and then two days, until December 5th, when they become correct. — H. M. J.
1 LYDIA FOULKE,
daughter of William and Hannah, born April 9, 1756. She afterward
married John Spencer, born 1756, died 1799, son of Jacob and
Hannah, of Moreland. — Н. М. Ј.
2 OWEN FOULKE,
son of Caleb and Jane (Jones) Foulke, was born in Philadelphia, June
27th, 1763, died at Gwynedd, August 30, 1808. He was afterwards a partner with
his father in business in Philadelphia, and in 1798 was a member of the
First City Troop. In the late years of his life he practiced law at
Sunbury, Pa. He was Sally's first cousin, their mothers being sisters. — H. M.
J.
3 DR. ENOCH
EDWARDS, brother of Major Evan Edwards, was born in Byberry,
Philadelphia County, in 1750. He became an Ensign of the Pennsylvania
Flying Camp, in 1776. He was a Justice of the Peace and a practicing
physician in Byberry until 1792, when he sold his property there and moved to
Frankford. In 1791 he was commissioned an Associate Judge of the
Court of Common Pleas of Philadelphia. He died April 25,
1802. "Penna. in Rev.," III., 558; Phila. Amer. Daily Ad.,
Apr. 27, 1802; "Hist. Moreland"; Martin's "Bench and Bar."
SOURCE: Albert Cook
Myers, Editor, Sally Wister's Journal A True Narrative Being A Quaker
Maiden's Account Of Her Experiences With Officers Of The
Continental Army, 1777-1778, pp. 67-70
